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Revitalizing a Nation 

A Book in Two Parts 



A Statement of Beliefs, Opinions and Policies 
Embodied in the Public Pronouncements of 


Douglas MacArthur 

Correlation and Captions by 

Introduction by 


Heritage Jf otmfcatton, 3nt. 

75 East Wacker Drive, Chicago i, 111. 

Distributed by GARDEN CITY BOOKS, 
Garden City, New York 

Copyright, 1952 



Cover photos: General Mac Arthur by Acme 

Washington Parade by IN? 

Endpaper photos: General MacArthur by JNP 

Fifth Avenue Parade by INP 

Printed in the United States of America 

An Introduction 



authentically the voice of real America than Douglas 
MacArthur. To the millions who lined the streets of our 
great cities to cheer and weep as he passed by, he is the 
personification of American tradition and history. 

As he rode up great avenues 'midst vast throngs, the 
people through misty eyes saw in him the noble leaders 
of the past Washington, Lee, Grant. And when he ad- 
dressed the Congress of the United States, once again 
Americans heard the great truths which many, starved 
for them, never expected to hear again, and those who 
never heard them before wept unashamedly. 

In this stalwart, romantic figure, the great hopes, 
dreams and ideals of our country come to life again. He 
stimulates renewed faith that the land of Washington, 
Jefferson and Lincoln still lives in the hearts of the 

I shall never forget the light on General MacArthur's 
face and the deep feeling in his voice when he said to me 
"They are a wonderful people the American people 
quick, impulsive, generous, whole-hearted! You can al- 
ways trust them and believe in them, for in their hearts 
they are good and true ; in a crisis, they will do the right 

In the present crisis, this book outlines the sound, spir- 
itual and practical thought of a great man who from a 
position of lofty eminence sees clearly the dangers facing 


us and gives of his rich wisdom to guide us. What he has 
to say reaches the spiritual side of our lives with a power 
found in the words of few of our leaders. Out of a life- 
time experience of leadership and unsurpassed achieve- 
ment, General MacArthur has gathered wisdom and in- 
sight into the great principles upon which our Republic 
was founded and only upon which it can endure. 

This book will give you a spiritual rebirth of freedom 
and faith. Read it to your children so that the noble, 
incomparable sentences of our greatest master of English 
speech may fall like music upon their ears; that they, 
too, like yourself in your youth, may hear enunciated the 
immortal principles of God and country. These words 
will live in their hearts, and in yours, forever. 

If America, land of the free, is to endure, we must 
rekindle on the altars of our hearts the ancient fires of 
faith, morality and patriotism. This book will greatly 
help in doing that. It should be distributed widely. It is 
an American document. Regardless of party affiliation, 
it should go into every home in America to be read, 
cherished and heeded, 

It can, with our help, save America. 


Fifth Avenue and 29th Street 
New York, New York 

Revitalizing a Nation 


pie are beginning dimly to sense that, emerging from 
World War II, are two dynamic and irreconcilable forces 
striving for mastery the free world and international 

The foundation stones of this nation are the concepts 
and principles of the Judeo-Christian traditions and faith. 
Americans are free men. Their first allegiance is to their 
Creator a Creator who endowed them with unalienable 
rights and an immortal end. Being free men it has been 
and is all but impossible for Americans to comprehend 
the basic tenets of international Communism, namely that 
people human beings are without individual entity or 
worth ; that men are mere pawns, chattels, slaves of the 
State; that the State is without geographical location; 
that it has no national boundaries; that it encompasses 
the world. 

During the year just past there came to this country 
from across the sea a man a leader of men. He was a 
tall man, clear of eye, imposing in stature and lofty in 
mien who had met and wrestled with this "greatest 
scourge of mankind 55 and who understands fully the de- 
termining concepts and the motivating forces of interna- 
tional Communism. He shapes his every utterance, act 


and deed in consonance with this understanding. He is 
a man of such broad vision and knowledge that the 
Atlantic Ocean becomes merely a peaceful lake, although 
enclosed by the shores of continents, and the broad 
Pacific, a benign moat but on which can be carried the 
thriving commerce of billions of men. This man has such 
a knowledge of the historical past and such an insight 
into a divinely ordained future that he fashions the deeds 
of today to mesh with a tomorrow of one thousand years 
from now. This man is known to the world as General 
of the Army Douglas MacArthur. 

One year ago, General of the Army Douglas Mac- 
Arthur was Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces 
in the Pacific. He is the man who on September 2, 1945, 
on board the battleship Missouri signed the instrument 
that made effective the unconditional surrender of Japan. 
On that fateful day he gave warning to the world that 
modern war had reached such destructiveness that it was 
wholly useless as a method of settling disputes between 
nations ; that a spiritual revival was essential if the world 
was to be saved from destruction. He then stated: "It 
must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh." 

General MacArthur assumed the responsibility of re- 
building a nation, utterly destroyed, on the basis of 
"Christian purpose of helping a defeated and despairing 
people re-create in the East a nation." He laid the foun- 
dations for and was the architect of the Treaty of Peace 
with Japan. 

He is the man who "held" in the south the North 
Korean forces, planned and executed the Inchon land- 
ing, routed and utterly defeated the armies of North 

In November, 1950, the Red Chinese troops crossed the 
Manchurian boundary and joined forces with the scat- 
tered remnants of the North Korean army and "a new 


war was an actuality/ 5 General MacArthur believed and 
still believes that we had the resources at hand to defeat 
this new enemy. Others thought differently or were afraid 
to win . . . Time passes. 

On April 12, 1951, General Douglas MacArthur, Su- 
preme Commander of the Allied Forces in the Pacific, 
was relieved of his command, stripped of all authority 
and ordered to leave Japan. He was dismissed with as lit- 
tle consideration as though he had been a new office boy 
found pilfering pennies from the cash register. Appar- 
ently it was intended that he be humiliated and that he 
return disgraced. 

General MacArthur had to his credit 52 years of loyal 
and unquestioned service. He was a soldier. He obeyed 
orders. He returned to his native land, but not as a 
broken, beaten soldier. He was a "Daniel come to judg- 
ment" with a vibrant message that thrilled, inspired 
and re-created hope in the hearts of his countrymen. He 
began the task of revitalizing the nation. 

This volume makes no pretense of biography; no ges- 
ture of narrative of the tragic incidents of the Korean 
conflict; takes no sides on the violent controversy arising 
from General MacArthur's belief that "once committed 
to battle there is no substitute for victory." It is intended 
to provide accurate, concise yet comprehensive state- 
ments, in his own words, of the beliefs, aspirations and 
policies of General of the Army Douglas MacArthur. 
These are recorded in Part One of this book. In Part 
Two will be found the visual evidence of the warmth of 
the reception tendered General MacArthur by the Amer- 
ican people and the acceptance accorded the inspired 
and dynamic message which he brought to them. 


Table of Contents 




Where I Stand 13 

The New Japan 22 

Asia and the Pacific 32 

Korea 40 

Failure of Leadership 52 

Aid to Europe and Taxes 63 

World War HI 76 

Decision of the People 87 


"animated by the sole desire to help restore, 
preserve and advance those great American 
principles and ideals of which we have been 
beneficiaries ourselves and are now trustees for 
future generations.' 3 



Where I Stand 


HAVE BEEN warned by many that 
an outspoken course, even if it be solely of truth, will 
bring down upon my head ruthless retaliation that 
efforts will be made to destroy public faith in the integ- 
rity of my views not by force of just argument but by 
the application of the false methods of propaganda. I am 
told in effect that I must follow blindly the leader keep 
silent or take the bitter consequences. I had thought 
Abraham Lincoln had pinned down for all time this ugly 
code when he declared: 

"To sin by silence when they should protest makes 
cowards of men." 

UNQUALIFIED ^ shall ra * se m ^ vo * ce as ^ ou( ^ anc * as 
DEDICATION f ten as I believe it to be in the interest 
of the American people. I shall dedi- 
cate all of my energies to restoring to American life those 
immutable principles and ideals which your forefathers 
and mine handed down to us in sacred trust. I shall assist 
in the regaining of that moral base for both public and 
private life which will restore the people's faith in the 
integrity of public institutions and the private faith of 



every man in the integrity of his neighbor. I shall set my 
course to the end that no man need fear to speak the 

I could not do less, for the opportunities for service 
my country has given me and the honors it has conferred 
upon me have imposed an obligation which is not dis- 
charged by the termination of public service. 

ESSENTIAL * n ^ ^ ^ Sphering storms, as the 

TO SURVIVAL mora l deterioration of political power 
spreads its growing infection, it is es- 
sential that every spiritual force be mobilized to defend 
and preserve the religious base upon which this nation 
was founded. For it is that base which has been the 
motivating impulse to our moral and national growth. 
History fails to record a single precedent in which nations 
subject to moral decay have not passed into political and 
economic decline. There has been either a spiritual re- 
awakening to overcome the moral lapse, or a progressive 
deterioration leading to ultimate national disaster. 

Our country over many years grew prosperous and 
strong. We developed the spiritual resource to produce 
a culture and way of life based upon free individualism 
and rich in the essence of liberty and justice. Our com- 
mercial and agricultural progress set a pattern which 
early commanded universal admiration; and, through 
evolutionary processes, we adjusted our human relation- 
ships to enhance both the fruits of industry and the 
dignity of labor. 

SOURCE OF ^ ur S reat stren S t h rests in those high- 

STRENGTH niinded and patriotic Americans whose 

faith in God and love of country tran- 

scends all selfish and self-serving instincts. We must com- 


mand their maximum effort toward a restoration to 
public and private relationships of our age-old standards 
of morality and ethics a return to the religious fervor 
which animated our leadership of former years to chart 
a course of humility and integrity as best to serve the 
public interest, 

TO SAVE On the 2nd ojf Se P tember 1945, just fol- 
THE FLESH l w i n g the surrender of the Japanese 
Nation on the battleship MISSOURI, I 
formally cautioned : 

"Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. 
Various methods through the ages have been at- 
tempted to devise an international process to pre- 
vent or settle disputes between nations. From the 
very start, workable methods were found insofar as 
individual citizens were concerned, but the mechan- 
ics of an instrumentality of larger international 
scope have never been successful. Military alliances, 
balance of power, leagues of nations, all in turn 
failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the 
crucible of war. The utter destractiveness of war 
now blots out this alternative. We have had our last 
chance. If we will not devise some greater and more 
equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. 
The problem basically is theological and involves a 
spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human 
character that will synchronize with our almost 
matchless advances in science, art, literature, and 
all material and cultural developments of the past 
2,000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save 
the flesh." 

No man in the world is more anxious to avoid the 
expansion of war than I. I am a one hundred per cent 
disbeliever in war. The enormous sacrifices that have 


been brought about by scientific methods of killing have 
rendered war a fantastic and impossible method for the 
solution of international difficulties. 

MUTUAL "^ n war ' as ^ ' IS wa e d now, with the enor- 
SUIGIDE mous losses on both sides, both will lose. I 
believe that the entire effort of modern 
society should be concentrated on an endeavor to outlaw 
it. This would probably take decades before it could be 
actually accomplished; but, you have to make a start. 
There is no half-way substitute. 

The experience in Korea again emphasizes the utter 
futility of modern war its complete failure as an arbiter 
of international dissensions. Its threat must be abolished 
if the world is to go on and if it does not go on it will 
go under. We must finally come to realize that war is 
outmoded as an instrument of political policy, that it 
provides no solution for international problems; that it 
but threatens the participants with mutual national 

We must understand that in final analysis the mount- 
ing cost of preparation for war is in many ways as mate- 
rially destructive as war itself. We must find the means 
to avoid this great sapping of human energy and re- 
source. This requires leadership of the highest order a 
spiritual and moral leadership a leadership which our 
country alone is capable of providing. 

ONLY ROAD While we must be prepared to meet the 

TO PEACE tr * a * ^ war ^ war comes > we should 

gear our foreign and domestic policies 

toward the ultimate goal the abolition of war from the 
face of the earth. That is what practically all mankind 
all the great masses which populate the world long and 


pray for. Therein lies the road, the only road, to universal 
peace and prosperity. 

The voice of the people must be heeded. 

The implacable guide must be faith in those un- 
changeable principles and ideals which give spir- 
itual strength to our Constitution. 

There must be reflected that degree of humility which 
recognizes the religious base upon which our nation was 
founded, with an indomitable determination to preserve 
it. The threat to freedom in peace is no less sinister than 
in war. Our country's future must not go by default. 

RELIGION AND ^ n ^ e mo( ^ ern wor W 5 the evil forces 
COMMUNISM ^ Communism seek to remove reli- 
gion as the most formidable barrier to 
their advance. They strive to undermine public and pri- 
vate morals as a means of weakening and rendering in- 
defensible areas of intended absorption. Their success 
serves to warn all free men of the depravity which has 
inevitably replaced spirituality where their dominion 
over peoples and races has become complete. 

There are those who would have us believe that Com- 
munism embraces but the philosophy of agnosticism, 
rather than atheism. But this shallow pretense is easily 
belied by the record of ruthless and complete disregard 
of moral law, once Communism has seized power. Any 
complacent tolerance of this destructive force of evil 
should be replaced by an implacable and uncompro- 
mising determination to resist its every threat to basic 
and traditional ideals. 

Human freedom always finds ostentatious vocal sup- 
port from those most bent upon its suppression. It is 
essential, therefore, that there be assessed with cold and 


calculated realism the motivation of those who say much 
but do little. For there can be no compromise in the fight 
to preserve the sanctity of our religious base. We must 
condemn those who would corrupt the principles of in- 
dividual liberty, freedom's mighty instrument of spiritual 

ANCIENT " n man y P arts f t ^ ie world, ancient re- 

RELIGIONS %io n s have given way before the sweep 
DESTROYED ^ *^ s concept of materialism which 
holds to the sanctity of no moral law 
and worships as its only god the power to suppress the 
Divine heritage of man. It first essays to make traitors 
among those of high degree and through them seeks to 
destroy nations and bend peoples to its malevolent will. 

Its plan is to abolish private property and free en- 
terprise in order to secure that degree of power over 
material things necessary to render absolute its 
power to suppress the spiritual things. 

It first establishes collectivism as the idealistic refuge 
for those who lack the will and the courage and the 
capacity for self-expression. This is the half-way point 
on the direct and undeviating road to full Communism. 
Thereafter, all private control over means and sources of 
production is abolished, and then with the political 
power safely in hand, this concentration of material 
power becomes that fearful weapon whereby every ves- 
tige of spiritual value and human freedom may be sup- 
pressed at will. 

This is how it has happened before and it can happen 
again, unless the moral forces of a nation are sufficiently 
mobilized and alert to safeguard against so dreadful a 
threat to its cherished liberties. 


SCOURGE OF ^ s ^ a ^ con tinue to fight against that 
MANKIND greatest scourge of mankind, Commu- 

nism, as long as God gives me the power 
to fight. I shall work with you in the discharge of our 
common responsibilities of citizenship to the end that 
American policy be based upon the thoughts and needs 
and aspirations of the American people, unyielding to 
undue political pressures from abroad. I shall stand with 
you for an America rededicated to those sacred and in- 
spired ideals and concepts which guided our forefathers 
when drawing the design of American freedom. 

INTERNAL ^ * s not ^ an ^ externa ^ threat that I con- 
MENACE cern m y se ^ " Dut ra ther of insidious forces 
working from within which have already 
so drastically altered the character of our free institutions 
those institutions which formerly we hailed as some- 
thing beyond question or challenge those institutions 
we proudly called the American way of life. 

Foremost of these forces is that directly, or even more 
frequently indirectly, allied with the scourge of imperi- 
alistic Communism. It has infiltrated into positions of 
public trust and responsibility into journalism, the 
press, the radio and the schools. It seeks through covert 
manipulation of the civil power and the media of public 
information and education to pervert the truth, impair 
respect for moral values, suppress human freedom and 
representative government and, in the end, destroy our 
faith in our religious teachings. 

This evil force, with neither spiritual base nor moral 
standard, rallies the abnormal and subnormal elements 
among our citizenry and applies internal pressure against 
all things we hold decent and all things that we hold 


right the type of pressure which has caused many Chris- 
tian nations abroad to fall and their own cherished free- 
doms to languish in the shackles of complete suppression. 
Our need for patriotic fervor and religious devotion 
was never more impelling. 

There can be no compromise with atheistic Commu- 
nism no half-way in the preservation of freedom 
and religion. It must be all or nothing. 

SAFEGUARD OF are t^ 1086 w h see k to convert 

AMERICA us to a f rm f socialistic endeavor 

leading directly to the path of Com- 
munist slavery. As a counter-balance to those forces is the 
deep spiritual urge in the hearts of our people a spirit- 
ual urge capable of arousing and directing a decisive and 
impelling public opinion. This, indeed, is the great safe- 
guard and resource of America. So long as it exists we are 
secure for it holds us to the path of reason. It is an infal- 
lible reminder that our greatest hope and faith rests upon 
two mighty symbols the Cross and the Flag; the one 
based upon those immutable teachings which provide 
the spiritual strength to persevere along the course which 
is just and right the other based upon the invincible 
will that human freedom shall not perish from the earth. 
These are the mighty bulwarks against the advance of 
those atheistic predatory forces which seek to destroy the 
spirituality of the human mind and to enslave the human 

Let us pray for the spiritual strength and innate wis- 
dom to keep this nation to the course of freedom charted 
by our fathers ; to preserve it as the mighty instrument on 
earth to bring universal order out of existing chaos; 
to restore liberty where liberty has perished; and to re- 


establish human dignity where dignity has been sup- 

BULWARK OF must un * te * n ^ e kig* 1 purpose 

ALL FREEDOM t " iat ^ ^^ ert ^ es etched upon the de- 
sign of our life be unimpaired and 
that we maintain the moral courage and spiritual leader- 
ship to preserve inviolate that mighty bulwark of all free- 
dom, our Christian faith. 


The New Japan 


THIS postwar period of gen- 
eral failure to attain real peace one of the bright spots 
has been conquered Japan. That nation and its people 
long boasting of many centuries of unbroken military 
successes a self-sufficient warrior race with a history of 
almost complete isolation from the rest of the world at 
war's end was reduced largely to rubble with its people 
impoverished and broken in mind, body and spirit. 

FAITH Never in history has a nation and its peo- 

DESTROYED P^ e " Deen more completely crushed than 
were the Japanese at the end of the 
struggle. They had suffered more than a military debacle, 
more than the destruction of their armed forces, more 
than the elimination of their industrial bases, more even 
than the occupation of their land by foreign bayonets. 
Their entire faith in the Japanese way of life, cherished 
as invincible for many centuries, perished in the agony of 
their total defeat. 

SPIRITUAL ^ e su dden an d general destruction of 

VACUUM Japanese institutions brought about by 

complete defeat left a spiritual vacuum in 

Japanese life to be filled either by a philosophy of good, 



or a philosophy of evil. Fortunately for Japan and for the 
free world, the country was spared the dreadful conse- 
quences of a Soviet military occupation and was brought 
instead within the benign guidance of the American 
people. Under this beneficent influence, the Japanese 
gradually lifted themselves from the ashes of defeat and 
started to build a new nation a nation dedicated to the 
pursuit of new concepts and new ideals, fashioned from 
a blend between the best of their own ancient culture and 
those high precepts of ethics and morals which have been 
the great pillars supporting America's origin and growth. 

or ^ enta ^ na tio n under the shadow of a 


WILLING continent plagued by the cruel misery of 
unending wars, pillage and natural disas- 
ters, proved willing and adept under the guiding hand of 
an occupation not conceived in a spirit of vengeance or 
mastery of victor over vanquished, but committed to the 
Christian purpose of helping a defeated, bewildered and 
despairing people recreate in the East a nation largely 
designed in the image of the West. New Japan was thus 
erected upon free institutions, somewhat similar to our 
own, which permitted the development of a moral base 
which cannot fail to favorably influence the course of 
events in Asia for generations to come. Discarded is the 
traditional intolerance of human rights, the restrictions 
upon human liberties, the callousness to human life, and 
in their place have been accepted and fused into the Jap- 
anese heart many of the Christian virtues so predomi- 
nantly embodied in the American character. 

A NEW ^ n lightened constitution has be- 

CONSTITUTION come the great charter of Japanese 
liberty with enabling laws which 


give full effect to its immutable precepts. The Govern- 
ment has become truly representative of the popular will, 
deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. 
The principle of local autonomy has been established. 
This permits the balance of political power to rest with 
the citizen at the community level and thus serves as a 
constant check against the excesses of centralized author- 
ity. The hated system of land tenure, so contributory to 
general unrest in Asia, has been abolished. Every farmer 
is now accorded the right and dignity of ownership of the 
land he long has tilled. He thus reaps the full fruits which 
result from his toil and labors with the incentive of free 
enterprise to maximize his effort to achieve increasing 
production. Representing over a half of Japan's total 
population, the agriculture workers have become an in- 
vincible barrier against the advance of socialistic ideas 
which would relegate all to the indignity of State servi- 

LABOR Labor through the protection of modern 
ACHIEVES * aws * ias come ' mto a new an d heretofore 
DIGNITY unknown dignity and is making rapid strides 
along the course of a sound and healthy 
movement. The schools have been rid of the strictures 
upon academic freedom and public education is provided 
to all of the youth of the land. Universal suffrage has 
been established and the women of Japan have assumed 
their rightful role in the political life of the nation. With 
dignity and resolution they have brought to bear upon 
public affairs the morality which centers in the home and 
are progressively asserting a strong and healthy influence 
upon the course of Japan's political destiny. 


COURTS OF ^^ e courts are proceeding in their ad- 
TUSTIGE ministrative and judicial roles with uni- 

versally accepted principles of justice 
firmly implanted in the norm of their procedure. The 
police have ceased to be masters and have become in- 
stead servants of the people with a decentralization in 
organization which permits exercise of their functions at 
the community, rather than national, level of govern- 

BUDGET econom y f Japan has made rapid 

BALANCED anc * e ^ ect ^ ve advances toward the full res- 
toration of stability and self-sufficiency and 
has achieved a sound basis for a frugal public administra- 
tion. For the past three years, the National budget has 
been in complete balance with savings to permit sub- 
stantial reductions in the tax load upon the people and 
corresponding raises in their living standard. Japan's 
present course in the economy of public administration 
follows closely the pattern sagely advised by Thomas Jef- 
ferson when he warned in speaking of our own govern- 

"I place economy among the first and most important 
virtues and public debt as the greatest of dangers to 
be feared. To preserve our independence, we must 
not let our leaders load us with perpetual debt. We 
must make our choice between economy and liberty, 
or profusion and servitude. The same prudence 
which in private life would forbid our paying our 
money for unexplained projects, forbids it in the 
disposition of public money. We are endeavoring to 
reduce the government to the practice of rigid econ- 
omy to avoid burdening the people and arming the 
Magistrate with a patronage of money which might 
be used to corrupt the principle of government." 


SETTING AN ^ Japan continues to heed this far- 
EXAMPLE sighted warning and our own leaders 
who pretend to be disciples of the Jeffer- 
sonian teachings continue to ignore it, the time may well 
come when the Japanese people will be firmly established 
within the protective folds of our own cherished liberties, 
while we ourselves shall have lost them because of the 
assumption by our leaders of that "patronage of money 55 
with its consequent corruption of government against 
which Jefferson so clearly warned. In such a tragic even- 
tuality, we would be hard put to it indeed to answer the 
charge of our children and our children's children that 
we had recklessly squandered their rightful heritage of 
liberty, resource and opportunity. 

THE PEACE * s k ut a brief outline of the new 

TREATY Japan which has been restored to a posi- 

tion of international dignity and equality 
under a peace treaty which, while far from flawless, em- 
bodies much of human justice and enlightenment. It is a 
Japan which may now assume the burden of preparing 
its own ground defense against predatory attack and thus 
in short time release our own beloved divisions for return 
home. With our air and naval support, Japan can with 
no great difficulty defend its own homeland which forms 
so vital a sector of the island defense system buttressing 
freedom and peace on the Pacific. It is a Japan in which 
we of the free world may find an alliance which shall 
merit our full faith. 

Qnii/fF AT T TPC I realize well that there are nations who 

OUM.L AJL.L.ld . . 

FEARFUL fought with us to victory, while suner- 

ing grievous hurt from Japanese depre- 

dation, who understandably disagree in whole or in part. 


It is hard for them to accept the realistic but tragic fact 
that in modern war the victor is also the loser. He suffers 
materially with the vanquished oft-times more than 
does the vanquished. Indeed our own country in the after- 
math of victory pays with a burden of accumulated debt 
such as to place a mortgage upon the energy and resource 
of many future generations. May we not hope that even- 
tually through wise statesmanship and Christian toler- 
ance the scars still left in war's wake may be finally healed 
and that the victor and vanquished, as befits the sacred 
cause of human freedom, will be invincibly bound to- 
gether in mutual preservation. 

INFLUENCE ON J a P an wil1 reassume a position of dig- 
ACT A nity and equality within the family of 

nations and take a firm and invincible 
stand with the free world to repel those evil forces of 
international Communist tyranny which seek covertly or 
by force of arms to destroy freedom. That it may be 
counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence 
over the course of events in Asia is attested by the mag- 
nificent manner in which the Japanese people have met 
the recent challenge of war, unrest and confusion sur- 
rounding them from the outside, and checked Commu- 
nism within their own frontiers without the slightest 
slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our 
occupation divisions to the Korean battle front without 
the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power 
vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. 
I know of no nation more serene, orderly and industrious 
nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future 
constructive service in the advance of the human race. 
The pages of history in recording America's twentieth 


century contributions to human progress may, perchance, 
pass over lightly the wars we have fought. But, I believe 
they will not fail to record the influence for good upon 
Asia which will inevitably follow the spiritual regenera- 
tion of Japan. And this is as it should be, for construction 
always serves memory long after the destruction it follows 
is forgotten. 

WAR AND ^ t ^ ie h* stor i an f t ^ ie f uture should deem 
PEACE my serv * ce wort hy of some slight reference, 

it would be my hope that he mention me 
not as a Commander engaged in campaigns and battles, 
even though victorious to American arms, but rather as 
that one whose sacred duty it became, once the guns were 
silenced, to carry to the land of our vanquished foe the 
solace and hope and faith of Christian morals. 

Could I have but a line a century hence crediting a 
contribution to the advance of peace, I would gladly 
yield every honor which has been accorded by war. 


July 13, 1951 

"General of the Army Douglas MacArthur 
Waldorf Astoria Hotel 
New York City 

"My dear General : 

"The text of the Japanese Peace Treaty was made 
public today. I have also been informed that Sep- 
tember 4th has been set as the date for the signing 
of it at San Francisco. 

"On this joyful day I desire to express the pro- 
found gratitude of myself and my government to 
you who have long been a vigorous proponent of an 


early peace for Japan. It is gratifying that your ef- 
forts and exhortations have borne fruit. A fair and 
magnanimous treaty has been written embodying 
the principles as laid down first by you. I only regret 
I cannot see and thank you in person. 
"Yours sincerely, 



August 20, 1951 

"His Excellency Shigeru Yoshida 
Prime Minister of Japan 
Tokyo, Japan 

"Dear Mr. Prime Minister : 

"I am delighted to have before me your thought- 
ful and generous note of July 13th. 

"I rejoice with you and the Japanese people that 
a fair and just treaty is projected for early consum- 
mation. It is indeed a source of immense personal 
satisfaction that the spiritual and moral values which 
throughout have guided the formulation of Occupa- 
tion policy will find permanent reflection in the in- 
strument designed formally to restore the peace. 

"Upon the political, economic and social base 
established so largely under your distinguished lead- 
ership, Japan's history lies before it. Continue faith- 
ful adherence to the following sound political poli- 
cies and principles of good government, and healthy 
progress will be assured : 

"Public morality is the touchstone to the people's 
faith in the integrity of the governmental process. 

"Restraint and frugality in the use of the public 
purse produces economic stability, encourages indi- 
vidual thrift and minimizes the burden of taxation. 

"Avoidance of the excessive centralization of the 
political power safeguards against the danger of 


totalitarian rule with the suppression of personal 
liberty, advances the concept of local autonomy and 
develops an acute consciousness in the individual 
citizen of his political responsibility. Undue pater- 
nalism in government tends to sap the creative po- 
tential and impair initiative and energy in those who 
thereby come to regard governmental subsidy as an 
inalienable right. 

"The preservation, inviolate, of the economic sys- 
tem based upon free, private, competitive enterprise 
alone maximizes the initiative, the energy and in the 
end the productive capacity of the people. 

"The vigorous and faithful implementation of the 
existing land laws providing land ownership for ag- 
ricultural workers and of the labor laws providing 
industrial workers a voice in the conditions of their 
employment is mandatory if these all-important seg- 
ments of Japanese society are to enjoy their rightful 
dignity and opportunity, and social unrest based 
upon just grievance is to be avoided. 

"The Bill of Rights ordained by the Constitution 
must be vigilantly preserved if the government would 
be assured the people's full support. Public criticism 
should be encouraged rather than suppressed as pro- 
viding a powerful check against the evils of mal- 
administration of the political power. Freedom of 
speech as an inalienable right should never be chal- 
lenged unless it directly violates the laws governing 
libel and slander. 

"The courts must function as the champion of 
human justice and the police power be exercised 
with primary regard to individual rights. 

"Without sacrifice of the principles of justice the 
devious advances of international Communism must 
be firmly repelled as a threat to internal peace and 
the national security. To such end, so long as existing 
international tensions exist in Asia, adequate security 
forces should be maintained to safeguard Japan's in- 


ternal peace against any threatened external attack. 

"Indeed a Japan erected firmly upon such a norm 
of political principle and policy, as well as setting 
a sure course to its own free destiny, could not fail to 
exercise a profound and beneficial influence upon 
the course of events in continental Asia. It would in 
addition contribute immeasurably to the spiritual 
and material advance of civilization. 

"I have faith that the Japanese people will hold 
invincibly to such a course. 

"Cordially yours, 



San Francisco, California 
10 September, 1951 

"General of the Army Douglas MacArthur 
Waldorf Astoria Hotel 
New York, New York 

"Peace treaty was signed the day before yester- 
day. My heart and the hearts of all Japanese turn 
to you in boundless gratitude for it is your firm and 
kindly hand that led us, a prostrate nation, on the 
road to recovery and reconstruction. It was you who 
first propounded the principles for a fair and gen- 
erous peace which we now have at long last. In the 
name of the Japanese Government and people I 
send you our nation's heartfelt thanks. 



Asia and the Pacific 



HILE ASIA is commonly re- 
ferred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that 
Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of 
the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. 

SHACKLES Before one may objectively assess the situa- 
SHAKEN ^ on now ex ^ s ti n g there, he must compre- 
hend something of Asia's past and the revo- 
lutionary changes which have marked her course up to 
the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial 
powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of 
social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of 
life, such as guided our own noble administration of the 
Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity 
in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonial- 
ism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a hereto- 
fore unf elt dignity and the self-respect of political free- 

Mustering half of the earth's population and 60 per 
cent of its natural resources, these peoples are rapidly 
consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with 



which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations 
of the design of modern progress to their own distinct, 
cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the con- 
cept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian 
progress and it may not be stopped. 

MUST MEET * n t * 1 * s s ^ tuat ^ on ^ becomes vital that our 
NEW NEED own countr y ori en t its policies in conso- 
nance with this basic evolutionary condi- 
tion rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that 
the colonial era is now past. The Asian peoples covet the 
right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now 
is friendly guidance, understanding, and support, not im- 
perious direction; the dignity of equality, not the shame 
of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully 
low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's 
wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking 
and are little understood. 

OBJECTIVE OF What tlie Asian peoples strive for is 
NEW ASIA ^ e PP ortun ity f r a littk more fd 

in their stomachs, a little better cloth- 
ing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, 
and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for 
political freedom. These political-social conditions have 
but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, 
but form a backdrop to contemporary planning which 
must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the 
pitfalls of unrealism. 

OUR NEW r ^ t ^ ie ear ty pioneer the Pacific coast 

FRONTIER mar ked the end of his courageous westerly 

advance to us it should mark but the be- 

ginning. To him it delimited our western frontier to us 


that frontier has been moved beyond the Pacific horizon. 
For we find our western defense geared to an Island chain 
off the coast of continental Asia from which with air and 
sea supremacy we can dominate any predatory move 
threatening the Pacific Ocean area. 

Under such conditions the Pacific no longer represents 
menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader 
it assumes instead the friendly aspect of a peaceful 
lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be 
maintained with a minimum of military effort and ex- 
pense. It envisions no attack against anyone nor does it 
provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but 
properly maintained would be an invincible defense 
against aggression. 

The holding of this littoral defense line in the western 
Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments 
thereof, for any major breach of that line by an un- 
friendly power would render vulnerable to determined 
attack every other major segment. This is a military esti- 
mate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who 
will take exception. For that reason I have strongly rec- 
ommended in the past as a matter of military urgency 
that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under 
Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once 
threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of 
Japan, and might well force our western frontier back 
to the coasts of California, Oregon, and Washington. 

ONE BILLION econom ^ c frontier now embraces 

PEOPLE *k e trac * e potentialities of Asia itself; 

for, with gradual rotation of the epicen- 
ter of world trade back to the Far East whence it started 
many centuries ago 


the next thousand years will find the main world 
problem the raising of the subnormal standard of 
life of its more than a billion Oriental peoples. 

The opportunities for international trade then, if pursued 
with the vision and courage of the early pioneer will be 
limitless. The entire west coast well might then find its 
place on a parity with our eastern seaboard, each stand- 
ing as a vital center of American industry with broad 
avenues of foreign trade and commerce immediately be- 
fore it. 

i? Such possibilities seem however be- 

Jr * . . 

vond the comprehension of some high 

' A . 

m our governmental circles who still 
feel that the Pacific coast marks the practical terminus 
of our advance and the westerly boundary of our im- 
mediate national interest that any opportunity for the 
expansion of our foreign trade should be mainly in the 
area of Europe and the Middle East. Nothing could 
more surely put a brake upon our growth as a strong and 
prosperous nation. Intentionally or not, it would yield to 
industrialized Europe the undisputed dominion over the 
trade and commerce of the Far East. 

More than this, it would in time surrender to Euro- 
pean nations the moral, if not political, leadership 
of the Eastern Hemisphere. Nothing could more 
clearly attest a marked recession from that far- 
sighted vision which animated the pioneer of one 
hundred years ago. 

It was the adventurous spirit of Americans which de- 
spite risks and hazards carved a great nation from an 
almost impenetrable wilderness; which established a pat- 
tern for modern industrialization and scientific develop- 


ment; which built our own almost unbelievable material 
progress and favorably influenced that of all others; 
which through the scientific advance of means of com- 
munication closed the international geographic gap to 
permit rapid and effective trade and commerce among 
the peoples of the world; which raised the living standard 
of the American people beyond that ever before known; 
and which elevated the laborer, the farmer and the 
tradesman to their rightful station of dignity and relative 

PIONEERING e inconceivable that our 

SPIRIT NEEDED leaders would close their eyes to any 
direction of opportunity to concen- 
trate upon any one avenue to the exclusion of any other. 
In the pioneering spirit, it should be our undeviating pur- 
pose to develop the maximum of global trade, ignoring 
only those unfriendly areas and peoples which our trade 
would assist in bringing abusive pressure against us. 

There should be no rivalry between our east and our 
west no pitting of Atlantic interests against those of the 
Pacific. The problem is global, not sectional. The living 
standard of the peoples of the Oriental East must and 
will be raised to a closer relativity with that of the Occi- 
dental West. 

Only the Communists and their blind disciples ad- 
vocate the lowering of the one to achieve a raising of 
the other the Karl Marx theory of an international 
division of wealth to achieve a universal level. 

ACT A A/TTTCT The course is clear. There must be such 

BE SERVED a development of opportunity that the 

requirements for a better life in the Ori- 

ental East may be filled from the almost unlimited in- 


dustrial potential of the Occidental West. The human 
and material resources of the East would be used in com- 
pensation for the manufactures of the West. Once this 
elementary logic is recognized, trade with the Far East 
may be expected rapidly to expand under the stimulus 
of American vision, American enterprise and American 
pioneering spirit. The pioneer of the twentieth century 
has in all respects as broad an avenue of advance as did 
the pioneer of the nineteenth century. 

In the face of such future opportunities, any concept of 
"scuttling" in the Pacific would be a direct negation of 
the spirit of our pioneer forefathers who stopped at no 
river, at no mountain, at no natural barrier in their driv- 
ing urge to open the West. It is indulged in only by these 
who lack the vision to comprehend and assess the full sig- 
nificance of global potentialities and who lack the moral 
courage to take maximum advantage of them. 

LIMITATION ON Re S ardless of motive, thos ^ who thus 
PROGRESS belittle our interest in the Pacific in 

favor of concentrating attention on 
the Atlantic are just as isolationist in their thinking as 
would be those who belittle our interest in the Atlantic 
in favor of concentrating on the Pacific. Either reflects a 
dangerously unbalanced vision. Any concept which would 
neglect the Pacific would not only limit our further prog- 
ress as a nation and render our shores wide open to preda- 
tory attack through neglected avenues of possible enemy 
advance, but would yield to others our great opportunity 
for economic progress. It would leave our foreign trade 
largely centered in those who hold every competitive 
advantage over us. Our economic future clearly lies to 
the west. Availing ourselves of its full potential, our op- 


portunity for growth is boundless failing to do so, our 
economic stature would be limited to the normal domes- 
tic possibilities in local growth. 

Trade with Asia has historically been largely a 
European monopoly, protected by colonial ties. This 
monopoly was broken with the demise of colonial 
rule at war's end and must never be restored. 

Of our former ward, the Philippines, 

PHILIPPINES we can *k f rwar d ift confidence that 
the existing unrest will be corrected and 
a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer after- 
math of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be pa- 
tient and understanding and never fail them, as in our 
hour of need they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the 
Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in 
the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership 
in Asia is unlimited. 

FORMOSA ^ n Formosa, the Government of the Re- 
public of China has had the opportunity 
to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so 
undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese 
mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and 
enlightened administration with majority representation 
on the organs of government, and politically, economi- 
cally and socially they appear to be advancing along 
sound and constructive lines. 

THE NEW ^ e J a P anese P e ople since the war have un- 
TAPAN dergone the greatest reformation recorded 

in modern history. With a commendable 
will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to under- 
stand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, 


erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the primacy of 
individual liberty and personal dignity, and in the en- 
suing process there has been created a truly represent- 
ative government committed to the advance of political 
morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social jus- 
tice. Politically, economically and socially Japan is now 
abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not 
again fail the universal trust. 

FAITH OF ^ ^ e na ti na l we ^ being is to be 

OUR FATHERS serve d it is for us of this generation, 
as indeed for Americans of every gen- 
eration, to assess the current strength of the pioneering 
spirit and appraise anew the incentives which alone can 
give it dynamic vitality. In so doing, it is well that we 
remember the composite of pioneering characteristics 
which have gone into the building of the great Pacific 
coast. Here strength overcame weakness, courage domi- 
nated fear, and the responsibility of life overshadowed 
the certainty of death. Here men, through an exemplifica- 
tion of spirituality, fashioned character as a far more 
meaningful and valued heritage than the material results 
their labors brought forth. It is that heritage of character 
which must be preserved by our generation so that we 
could do now what they did then. 

We will then regain the faith of our fathers and the 
strength to meet the issues which perplex us now with the 
same determination and wisdom with which they met 
the issues which perplexed them then. So invincible was 
their faith that they inscribed upon every coin of the 
United States down to and including even the penny their 
simple profession "in God we trust." Let our faith be no 




THE PACIFIC we and our friends 
maintain an island defense chain off the coast of conti- 
nental Asia which must be preserved inviolate at any cost. 
Despite some public statements to the contrary, there is 
reason to fear that it is still the over-riding purpose of 
some of our political leaders, under the influence of allies 
who maintain diplomatic ties with Communist China, to 
yield the Island of Formosa at an opportune time to the 
Chinese henchmen of international Communism. The ef- 
fect of such action would be to breach our island defense 
chain, threaten peace on the Pacific and ultimately en- 
danger the security of our Pacific coastal area. 

There is little doubt that the yielding of Formosa and 
the seating of Communist China in the United Nations 
was fully planned when I called upon the enemy com- 
mander in Korea on March 24, 1951 to meet me in the 
field to arrange armistice terms. This I did in view of the 
fundamental weakness of his military position due to the 
lack of industrial base in China capable of supporting 
modern warfare. 


41 ] KOREA 

OPPOSITION ^e PP s iti n I expressed to yielding 
LEADS Formosa and seating Red China, with 

TO REPRISAL ^ e overw helming support it received 
from the American people, unquestion- 
ably wrecked the secret plan to yield on these issues as the 
price for peace in Korea. There followed the violent 
Washington reaction in personal retaliation against me 
for what was actually so normal a military move. 

INTEGRITY ^^ s is an era characterized by a 

ESSENTIAL universal sentiment of nationalism. 

TO LEADERSHIP This we must res P ect if we WOuld 
gain the respect of others. The peo- 

ples of the world will only follow our leadership upon the 
basis of our moral integrity and spiritual as well as physi- 
cal strength. They will measure us not by the monies we 
recklessly give them, but by the general attitudes with 
which we face the common problems of mankind. 

Possibly in Asia, where the record is more fully devel- 
oped and events themselves have more plainly written the 
judgment, has the irresponsibility of our national policy 
been most pronounced. There our betrayal of China will 
ever stand as a black mark upon our escutcheon. But the 
tragedy of Korea comes closer to the hearts of the Ameri- 
can people. 

There, in the aftermath of victory in World War II, 
we first undertook the protection of the Korean people 
and the welding of their segments into a consolidated and 
free nation. Later we repudiated that purpose and prac- 
tically invited the aggression which ensued by withdraw- 
ing our forces, enunciating the policy that the defense 
and consolidation of Korea was no longer within our 
sphere of political and military interest, and simultane- 


ously withholding the arms needed adequately to prepare 
the South Korean defense force. Yet still later, after its 
southern half had been brought under attack from the 
north, we reassumed its defense and consolidation. 

What is our policy in Korea? 

Some will tell you that the pacification and unification 
of all Korea is the objective an objective which indeed 
still stands as the formal mandate of the United Nations. 
Others tend to overlook such a formally stated policy and 
will tell you that our objective is achieved upon clearing 
South Korea of invading forces. Still others ignore both 
explanations and frankly say that our objective now is to 
continue to engage the enemy forces in Korea in a pro- 
longed and indecisive campaign of attrition, notwith- 
standing the constantly increasing cost in American 

Who will tell you in the traditionally ringing tones 
of the American patriot that our objective is victory 
over the nation and men who, without provocation 
or justification, have warred against us and that our 
forces will be furnished all the sinews and other 
means essential to achieve that victory with a mini- 
mum of cost in human life? 

NOT CONSULTED While I was not consulted prior to 
the President's decision to intervene 
in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision, from 
a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled 
back the invader and decimated his forces. 

We defeated the Northern Korean armies. Our vic- 
tory was complete and our objectives within reach when 
Red China intervened with numerically superior ground 
forces. This created a new war and an entirely new situa- 

43 ] KOREA 

tion a situation not contemplated when our forces were 
committed against the North Korean invaders a situa- 
tion which called for new decisions in the diplomatic 
sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military 

While no man in his right mind would advocate send- 
ing our ground forces into continental China and such 
was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently 
demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our 
political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had 
defeated the old. 

ESSENTIALS TO Apart f rom ^e military need as I saw 
ENDITvr WAR ^ to neutra ^ ze ^ sanctuary protec- 
tion given the enemy north of the 
Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the 
war made mandatory 

(1) The intensification of our economic blockade 
against China; 

( 2 ) The imposition of a naval blockade against the 
China coast; 

(3) Removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance 
of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; 

(4) Removal of restrictions on the forces of the Re- 
public of China on Formosa with logistical sup- 
port to contribute to their effective operations 
against the common enemy. 

For entertaining these views, all professionally designed 
to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hos- 
tilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a 
saving of countless American and Allied lives, I have 
been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, 
despite my understanding that from a military standpoint 


the above views have been fully shared in past by prac- 
tically every military leader concerned with the Korean 
campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. 

STALEMATE ' ca ^ e d for reinforcements, but was in- 
INDICATED f orme d t ^ iat reinforcements were not avail- 
able. I made clear that if not permitted to 
destroy the enemy build-up bases north of the Yalu; if 
not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese forces of some 
600,000 men on Formosa; if not permitted to blockade 
the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting 
succor from without ; and if there were to be no hope of 
major reinforcements, the position of the command from 
the military standpoint forbade victory. 

We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and at 
an appropriate area where our supply line advantages 
were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the 
enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive 
campaign, with its terrible and constant attrition upon 
our forces if the enemy utilized his full military potential. 

POLICY NOT tra ec ty * s ^ iat si nce the advent 

DEFINED ^ t ^ ie war w ^ ^ ec * China there has 

been no definition of the political policy 
which would provide a solution for the new problems 
thereby created. This has resulted in a policy vacuum 
heretofore unknown to war. 

However great the effort to distract attention from the 
main issues by introducing into public discussion extrane- 
ous and irrelevant matters, the fundamental question still 
remains the same what is the policy for Korea? 

Having aided through blundering diplomacy the 
gaining of Communist control over China, 

45 ] KOREA 

the failure to enunciate a simple forthright and positive 
statement of policy understandable to the world as firm 
assurance against any future trafficking with the Com- 
munist movement in Asia, arouses gravest doubts and 

DANGEROUS SHIFT Recent events P oint to a startling 
IN CONCEPT anc * dangerous s ^^ * n our basic 

military concept. After Commu- 
nist China committed itself to war against our forces in 
Korea, our political and military leaders set aside our 
traditional military policy calling for the employment of ] 
all available power and means to achieve a prompt and 
decisive victory and adopted instead the doctrine of de- 

FAILURE Every distinguished military leader of the 
INVITED P ast an< ^ a ^ m ^ tar Y experience from the 
beginning of time warns this but invites fail- 
ure. Under this new conception, novel indeed to the 
American military character, we are required in the 
midst of deadly war to soften our blows and send men 
into battle with neither promise nor hope of victory. We 
have deprived them of supporting military power already 
on hand and available which would blunt the enemy's 
blows against them, save countless American lives, fulfill 
our commitment to the tragic people of Korea and lead 
to the victorious end of a war which has already left so 
many thousands of American soldiers maimed or dead. 

More than this, it could and would have removed 
the Chinese Communists as a threat to freedom in 
Asia and the peace of the world for generations to 


In Korea, despite the magnificent performance of our 
fighting forces, the result has been indecisive. The high 
moral purpose which so animated and inspired the world 
yielded to the timidity and fear of our leaders as after 
defeating our original enemy a new one entered the field 
which they dared not fight to a decision. 

APPEASEMENT ON Appeasement -thereafter became 

BATTLEFIELD the P lic ? f war n the battle ~ 

field. In the actual fighting with 

this new enemy we did not lose but neither did we win. 
Yet, it can be accepted as a basic principle proven and 
reproven since the beginning of time that a great nation 
which enters upon war and fails to see it through to 
victory must accept the full moral consequences of 

I have believed a realistic policy should fill the long 
existing vacuum left in the wake of Red China's commit- 
ment to war against us a policy designed to affect the 
early restoration of peace, through victory, with a conse- 
quent saving of countless American lives. It is difficult 
to ask men to fight and die unless we give them a realistic 
mission and means to accomplish it. 

Could there be anything more discouraging and shock- 
ing to our soldiers on the line than the deprecating ref- 
erence to their fierce and savage struggle as a "police 
action?" Could anything be more agonizing to the 
mothers of their dead than the belittling reference to it 
by the Joint Chiefs of Staff as the "Korean skirmish?" 
What a lack of perspective ! What a failure to place first 
things first ! What a complete callousness to human feel- 
ing and soldier dignity! 

How fantastically unrealistic it is for them to refuse 

47 ] KOREA 

to accept the factuality that we are already at war a 
bitter, savage and costly war. 

AVOIDANCE OF ^ a ^ ot ^ er evidence were ignored, 
RESPONSIBILITY our mount ^ n g dead would alone stand 
as mute evidence that it is war in 
which we are now actually engaged. Yet, despite this, 
they seek to avoid the grave responsibility inherent in the 
fact of war; seek to divert public thought from the basic 
issue which war creates; how may victory be achieved 
with a minimum of human sacrifice. It is not a question 
of who wants war and who wants peace. All men of good 
conscience earnestly seek peace. The method alone is in 
issue. Some, with me, would achieve peace through a 
prompt and decisive victory at a saving of human life, 
others through appeasement and compromise of moral 
principle, with less regard for human life. The one course 
follows our great American tradition, the other but can 
lead to unending slaughter and our country's moral de- 

The reason given for such a course has little validity. 
It has been argued in justification and seemingly to soothe 
the public concern that the application of conventional 
war measures against our enemy might provoke the Soviet 
into launching the Third World War. 

Yet, since the end of the Second World War, with- 
out committing a single soldier to battle, the Soviet, 
aided by our own political blunders, has gained a 
dominion over territory and peoples without parallel 
in all history a dominion which it will take years 
for it to assimilate and administer. 

What then would be its purpose in provoking a war 
of most doubtful result to the Communist cause? I have 


strong doubt that the start of a major war anywhere 
enters the Soviet plans at this stage. If and when it does, 
it will be at a time and place and under circumstances 
dictated with scarce regard to the incidents of Korea. 

BLACKMAIL AND There are SOme wh for V ^ in % 
VIOLENCE reasons would appease Red China. 

They are blind to history's clear 
lesson. For history teaches with unmistakable emphasis 
that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It 
points to no single instance where the end has justified 
the means where appeasement has led to more than a 
sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and 
successively greater demands, until, as in blackmail, vio- 
lence becomes the only other alternative. 

Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military ad- 
vantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer. 
Some may say to avoid spread of the conflict into an all- 
out war with China ; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. 
Neither explanation seems realistic. China is already en- 
gaging with the maximum power it can commit and the 
Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. 
Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike when- 
ever it feels that the relativity in military or other poten- 
tial is in its favor on a world-wide basis. 

We have been told of the war in Korea that it is the 
wrong war, with the wrong enemy, at the wrong time 
and in the wrong place. Does this mean that they intend 
and indeed plan what they would call a right war, with 
a right enemy, at a right time and in the right place? 
If successful in mounting the North Atlantic Pact in 1953 
or 1954 or at one of the ever changing dates fixed for its 
consummation, what comes then? Do we mean to throw 

49 ] KOREA 

down the gage of battle. Do we mean to continue the 
fantastic fiscal burden indefinitely to our inevitable ex- 

THE DOCTRINE OF In ever y war in which we have 
PASSIVE DEFENSE heretofore engaged, we have 

counter-balanced manpower with 

the doctrine of attack through our matchless scien- 
tific development. Yet, in Korea, we are admittedly ap- 
plying the doctrine of passive defense which in all history 
has never won a war a doctrine which has been respon- 
sible for more military disaster than all other reasons com- 
bined. Does experience teach us nothing? Has shifting 
expediency replaced logical reasoning? 

DEATH RATHER The tra & d ? f Korea is further 
THAN SLAVERY heightened by the fact that as mili- 
tary action is confined to its terri- 
torial limits, it condemns that nation, which it is our pur- 
pose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval 
and air bombardment, while the enemy's sanctuaries are 
fully protected from such attack and devastation. Of the 
nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole 
one which has risked its all against Communism. 

The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of 
the Korean people defies description. They have 
chosen to risk death rather than slavery. 

As long as history is written, the shame of this will be 
recorded, but its more immediate consequences will be 
found in the loss of the faith of Asia in our nation's 
pledged word and the consequent undermining of the 
foundations to the future peace of the world. 


For our failure to sustain our solemn commitments 
in Korea will probably mean the ultimate loss of all 
of continental Asia to international Communism. 

DREAM OF ^ m *Sht well mean foreclosure upon the 
CENTURIES Dances the Chinese may have had to 
throw off the chains of Red tyranny and 
oppression. It perhaps will even mean the ultimate ful- 
fillment of the Russian dream of centuries to secure 
warm-water outlets to the south as a means of gaining 
a military posture of global omnipotence, with the hope 
of ultimate domination over the seaborne commerce of 
the world. Beyond Asia, Africa would then be exposed to 
Communist hordes dominating the Indian Ocean area, 
and Europe would come under a real threat of invasion. 
Prejudiced and willful voices scoffed at this warning, 
but there is where the Communists elected to challenge 
our spiritual and military strength and 

\/ there is where we have failed adequately to meet the 
challenge, even though we h^d the military resource 
and means at our command, x 

Our failure has been of the spirit, not of the arms a 
bankruptcy of leadership in our American tradition. Yet 
this failure has furnished the Soviet the passkey to world 
conquest. Small wonder that such weakness and vacilla- 
tion should cause us loss of faith and respect abroad. Not 
since the early days of the Republic has our nation been 
so reduced in the universal esteem. Never have we as a 
people been held in such doubt by others, 

FUTILITY OF ^ ow t ^ at t ^ ie fi&kting has temporarily 

SACRIFICES Abated the outstanding impression which 

emerges from the scene is the utter use- 

lessness of the enormous sacrifice in life and limb which 

51 ] KOREA 

has resulted-lAjnillion soldiers on both sides and unques- 
tionably at least a like number of civilians are maimed or 
dead. A nation has been gutted and we stand today just 
where we stood before it all started. The threat of aggres- 
sion upon the weak by these callously inclined among the 
strong has not diminished. Indeed nothing has been set- 
tled. No issue has been decided.' 

No words can excuse or relieve the enormous disaster 
to the Korean people we are pledged to protect."!! 

The protection we offer these unfortunate people, 
indeed may well resolve itself into their complete 
obliteration. To what greater depths might morality 
possibly sink? 

Mighty efforts are underway to conceal these facts. But 
the march of events and the common sense of the Ameri- 
ca^ people cannot fail ultimately to reveal the full truth. 
f\Two great questions about Korea still remain unan- 
swered. First, why did they start the war if they did not 
intend to win it? Second, what do they intend to do now 
go on piling up oux.dead indefinitely with no fixed pur- 
pose or end in sight? ) 

Hardened old soldier though I am my very soul re- 
volts at such unnecessary slaughter. 


Failure of Leadership 


'ix YEARS AGO with a few strokes 
of the pen a calm descended upon the battlefields of the 
world and the guns grew silent. Military victory had been 
achieved for our cause and men turned their thoughts 
from the task of mass killing to the higher duty of inter- 
national restoration, from destroying to rebuilding, from 
destruction to construction. Everywhere in the free world 
they lifted up their heads and hearts in thanksgiving for 
the advent of a peace in which ethics and morality, based 
upon truth and justice, might thereafter fashion the uni- 
versal code. 

Then more than ever in the history of the modern 
world, a materially strong and spiritually vibrant leader- 
ship was needed to consolidate the victory into a truly 
enduring peace for all of the human race. America, at 
the very apex of her military power, was the logical na- 
tion to 'which the world turned for such leadership. 

It was a crucial moment one of the greatest oppor- 
tunities ever known. But our political and military 
leaders failed to comprehend it. 

Sensitive only to the expediencies of the hour, they dis- 
sipated with reckless haste that predominant military 



power which was the key to the situation. Our forces were 
rapidly and completely demobilized and the great stores 
of war material which had been accumulated were dis- 
posed of with irresponsible waste and abandon. 

The world was then left exposed and vulnerable to 
an international Communism whose long publicized 
plan had been to await just such a favorable oppor- 
tunity to establish dominion over the free nations. 
The stage had perhaps been unwittingly set in secret 
and most unfortunate war conferences. 

VICTORY events w & c k followed will cast their 

shadow upon history for all time. Peoples 

r . J * 

with long traditions of human freedom 
progressively fell victims to a type of international brig- 
andage and blackmail. The so-called "iron curtain" de- 
scended rapidly upon large parts of Europe and Asia. As 
events have unfolded, the truth has become clear. 

Our great military victory has been offset, largely 
because of military unpreparedness, by the political 
successes of the Kremlin. 

Our diplomatic blunders increased as our senseless dis- 
armament became a reality. And now the disastrous cycle 
is completed as those same leaders who lost to the world 
the one great chance it has had for enduring universal 
peace, frantically endeavor, by arousing a frenzy of fear 
throughout the land, to gear anew our energies and re- 
sources, to rebuild our dissipated strength and to face 
again a future of total war. 

Our need for adequate military defense, with world 
tensions as they were and are, is and should have 
been completely evident even before the end of the 


By what faith then can we find hope in those whose 
past judgments so grievously erred who deliberately 
disarmed in the face of threatening Communism? Can 
they now be blindly trusted as they so vehemently de- 
mand to set an unerring course to our future well-being 
and security? 

SECURITY IN ' recall so vividly the American Le- 
c-runvr^-TTj sdon's warning to the country at the 

dlK^INOill . 

close of the war. Its resolution read as 
follows : 

" the only present guarantee of our nation's safety 
and freedom and the best presently available assur- 
ance of world peace is to have in the hands of this 
great peace-loving nation the mightiest armament 
in the world." 

This was sound and far-sighted advice which consid- 
ered the present and drew upon the lessons and experi- 
ence of the past. Had it been heeded by our political and 
military leaders, we would have been able to consolidate 
our great moral and military victory and lead the world 
to an enduring peace. We would not now be frantically 
endeavoring to restore our dissipated military strength. 
The Soviet would be but a negative influence upon world 
affairs and the earth would be a much gentler place on 
which to live. But our leaders failed to heed that advice. 

They failed to recognize the opportunity for leader- 
ship which victory had cast. They failed to see the 
enormity of the Communist threat to an impover- 
ished postwar world. 

FOREIGN ' have been amazed, and deeply con- 

INFLUENCES cerne d> si nce m y return, to observe the 

extent to which the orientation of our 


national policy tends to depart from the traditional cour- 
age, vision and forthrightness which has animated and 
guided our great leaders of the past, to be now largely 
influenced, if not indeed in some instances dictated from 
abroad and dominated by fear of what others may think 
or others may do. 

Never before in our history can precedent be found 
for such a subordination of policy to the opinions of 
others with a minimum regard for the direction of 
our own national interest. Never before have we 
geared national policy to timidity and fear. 

The guide, instead, has invariably been one of high moral 
principle and the courage to decide great issues on the 
spiritual level of what is right and what is wrong. Yet, 
in Korea today, we have reached that degree of moral 
trepidation that we pay tribute in the blood of our sons 
to the doubtful belief that the hand of a blustering poten- 
tial enemy may in some way be thus stayed. 

SEEDS OF Munich, and many other historical exam- 
WAR P* es > ^ ave tau S^ lt us t ^ iat diplomatic ap- 

peasement but sows the seeds of future 
conflict. Yet, oblivious to these bloody lessons, we now 
practice a new and yet more dangerous form of appease- 
ment appeasement on the battlefield whereunder we 
soften our blows, withhold our power, and surrender mili- 
tary advantages, in apparent hope that in some nebulous 
way by so doing a potential enemy will be coerced to de- 
sist from attacking us. 

In justification for this extraordinary action it is 
pleaded by those responsible for the condition of our 
national defense that we are not prepared to fight. I 
cannot accept such an estimate. I believe that, much as 


we abhor war and should do anything honorable to avoid 
it, our country has the inherent strength to face and de- 
feat any who may attack. 

I should be recreant, moreover, to my obligations of 
citizenship did I fail to warn that the policies of 
appeasement on which we are now embarked carry 
within themselves the very incitation to war against 
us. If the Soviet does strike it will be because of the 
weakness we now display rather than the strength 
we of right should display. 

RESPONSIBILITY ^ however, we be so weak in fact 

CLEARLY PLACED that we must COwer before the 
verbal brandishments of others, 

the responsibility for such weakness should be a matter 
o/the gravest public concern. 

/* Who, we should ask, is responsible for the reduction 
\JjTour military strength from the greatest on earth at 
war's end to that they now estimate is inadequate even to 
support our moral commitments? Who plunged us into 
the Korean war and assumed other global commitments 
in the face of such alleged weakness, without reckoning 
and being ready to meet their potential consequence? 
Who is responsible for so grave a past failure which has 
brought our nation to so ignominious a pass that we must 
plead weakness before our fellow nations? 

These are questions to which the nation should address 
itself, if it would be in a position to assess the policy judg- 
ment now in being and yet to be formulated. For it is 
elementary that if the defense of these policies is valid 
and we are indeed as weak as is pleaded, they who bear 
full responsibility for such weakness and they who formu- 
late present policy are one and the same. Can we there- 
fore accept their present and future judgments in the light 


of past failures without the most serious misgivings as to 
our future fate as a free and sovereign nation? 


AMBITION AND national administration has been 

GREED anc * * s unc * er a contr l characterized 

by narrow vision and overriding per- 
sonal ambition. The power of government was used as a 
political leverage to obtain more and greater centraliza- 
tion of authority. Political greed became the dominant 
factor in government and the fortunes of the political 
party of the administration began to receive primary con- 
sideration over and above the public interest. 

Laws and clearly defined precedents which obstructed 
this concentration of power were brushed aside and the 
democracy of representative government began to yield 
to the concept of governmental autocracy. In the ensuing 
movement toward the ascendancy of men over laws, the 
meaning and intent of the Constitution became rapidly 
corrupted. ^ 

BEWILDERMENT AND Pr P a g anda was the mi g ht 7 
CONFUSION weapon through which control 

was sought. The people were 

first brought to a state of bewilderment and confusion 
through the agitation among the masses of fear and mis- 
understanding. Then followed a mighty effort to inject 
upon the American scene a system of mass thought con- 
trol a plan which failed of success only because of the 
rugged individualism still characteristic of the American 
people. Time and again in their innate wisdom they have 
sensed the tragic errors inherent in our misguided public 
policy. They have demanded changes, not only in policy, 
but in responsible appointive officials. But such demands 
have gone unheeded and men who have lost the public 


confidence have arbitrarily been protected in their exer- 
cise of the power of government. 

Grievous, indeed, have been the blows at the very 
roots of the concept that government is "of the peo- 
ple, by the people and for the people." 

It is not from threat of external attack that 

. . 

we have reason for fear. It is from those m- 

. . 

sidious forces working from within. It is 
they that create the basis for fear by spreading false 
propaganda designed to destroy those moral precepts to 
which we have clung for direction since the immutable 
Declaration of Independence became the great charter 
of our liberty. 

This campaign to pervert the truth and shape or con- 
fuse the public mind with its consequent weakening of 
moral courage is not chargeable entirely to Communists 
engaged in a centrally controlled world wide conspiracy 
to destroy all freedom. For they have many allies, here 
as elsewhere who, blind to reality, ardently support the 
general Communist aims while reacting violently to the 
mere suggestion that they do so. 

THERE There are those who subvert morality as 

ARE THOSE *^ e nieans to gain or entrench power. 
There are those who, believing them- 
selves liberals, chart a course which can but lead to 
destruction. There are those cynically inclined whose 
restless impulse is ever seeking change. There are those 
who are constantly trying to alter our basic concepts of 
freedom and human rights. There are those who seek to 
prevent man from fearlessly speaking their minds accord- 
ing to the dictates of their conscience. There are those 


who plan to limit our individual right to share in the 
sovereign power of the people. 

There are those who seek to subvert government 
from being the guardian of the people's rights, to 
make of it an instrument of despotic power. 

There are those who plan to alter the constitutional 
checks and balances established to preserve the integrity 
of our coordinate branches. There are those who seek to 
make the burden of taxation so great and the progressive 
increase so alarming that the spirit of adventure, tireless 
energy and masterful initiative which built the material 
strength of the nation shall become stultified and inert. 
There are those who seek to make all men servants of 
the State. There are those who seek to change our system 
of free enterprise which, whatever its faults, commands 
the maximum of energy and human resource and pro- 
vides the maximum of benefits in human happiness and 

Government has assumed progressively the arrogant 
mantle of oligarchic power, as the great moral and ethi- 
cal principles upon which our nation grew strong have 
been discarded or remolded to serve narrow political 

LIBERTY IN Whether it be by accident or design, such 
JEOPARDY policy, formulated with reckless indiffer- 
ence to the preservation of constitutional 
liberty and our free enterprise economy, coupled with the 
rapid centralization of power in the hands of a few, is 
leading us toward a Communist state with as dreadful 
certainty as though the leaders of the Kremlin themselves 
were charting our course. It implements the blueprints 
of Marx and Lenin .with unerring accuracy and gives 


stark warning that, unless the American people stem the 
present threatening tide, human liberty will inevitably 
perish from our land. 

THE IMMEDIATE What ' \ h&Vt *** ^ Ur 
greatest internal menace? If I were 

permitted but one sentence of reply, 
but one phrase of warning it would be 

"end invisible government based upon propaganda 
and restore truly representative government based 
upon truth. 55 

For propaganda is the primary instrument of totalitarian 
rule, whether Communist or Fascist, and, incredible as 
it may seem to those of my generation, it is practiced as 
though it were a legitimate art or science. Suppress the 
truth, curtail free expression and you destroy the basis of 
all the freedoms. 

We have indeed reached an astounding concept of 
morality when an official estimate such as that put out 
in December 1949 on Formosa, is now stated to be false 
and to have been intentionally publicized in order to mis- 
lead public opinion. Propaganda of this type closely par- 
allels the Soviet system which we so bitterly condemn. 
Human liberty has never survived where such practice 
has flourished. 

FEAR OF Indivisible from this trend and probably 
REPRT<?AT contributory to it, is a growing tendency 
to overlook certain forms of laxity in high 
quarters. Petty corruption in the public administration is 
a disease unfortunately common to all nations but I refer 
to an even more alarming situation. Men of significant 
stature in national affairs appear to cower before the 


threat of reprisal if the truth be expressed in criticism 
of those in higher public authority. For example, I find 
in existence a new and heretofore unknown and danger- 
ous concept that the members of our armed forces owe 
primary allegiance and loyalty to those who temporarily 
exercise the authority of the executive branch of govern- 
ment, rather than to the country and its constitution 
which they are to defend. 

No proposition could be more dangerous. None could 
cast greater doubt upon the integrity of the armed 
services. For its application would at once convert them 
from their traditional and constitutional role as the in- 
strument for the defense of the Republic into something 
partaking of the nature of a pretorian guard owing sole 
allegiance to the political master of the hour. 

While for the purpose of administration and command 
the armed services are within the executive branch of 
the government, they are accountable as well to the 
Congress, charged with the policy making responsibility, 
and to the people, ultimate repository of all national 
power. Yet so inordinate has been the application of the 
executive power that members of the armed services have 
been subjected to the most arbitrary and ruthless treat- 
ment for daring to speak the truth in accordance with 
conviction and conscience. 

KEYSTONE Truth has ceased to be the keystone to 
DESTROYED t ^ ie arc ^ ^ our nat ^ ona ^ conscience and 
propaganda has replaced it as the rally- 
ing media for public support. Corruption and rumors of 
corruption have shaken the people's trust in the integrity 
of those administering the civil power, 

I have faith that the American people will not be 


fooled that they will demand that the national policy 
be charted to a course of international realism without 
regard to domestic expediency diplomacy rather than 

The potentiality of America's industrial strength in 
support of our expanding armament is guarantee against 
the wilfully designed military action against us. 

But wars can come about through blundering states- 
manship animated by a lust for political power. Our 
course can and must be designed to promote the 

This can only be if we regain our moral balance and 
follow a course of international justice for all peoples, 
without taking sides in issues which are not directly our 

Other issues which deeply stir the conscience of the 
American people are many and varied, but all stem from 
irresponsibility in leadership. Domestic policy is largely 
dictated by the political expediencies of the moment. 
Foreign policy is as shifting as the sands before the winds 
and tides. Spendthriftness and waste have lost us our 
heritage of stability; weakness and vacillation, the moral 
leadership of the world. 


Aid to Europe and Taxes 



Washington counseled strongly against our entering upon 
entangling alliances abroad lest we find ourselves in- 
volved in Europe's wars. This was sound advice then, but 
has been necessarily outmoded by the progress of civiliza- 
tion. For with the development of means of rapid com- 
munication, existing gaps between the several continen- 
tal land masses have been narrowed and ocean barriers 
in themselves no longer set the stage for continental 
isolation nor offer an assured degree of protection for 
continental shores. As a consequence, it is impossible to 
disassociate ourselves from the affairs of Europe and 
Asia. Major warfare in either has become our immediate 
military concern, lest they fall under the domination of 
those hostile to us and intent upon predatory incursions 
against our own land. To counteract the potentiality of 
this danger, we have acted both in the East and in the 

POSITION IN ^ direct and immediate bearing upon 

THE PACIFIC our na ti na l security are the changes 

wrought in the strategic potential of 


the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past year. Prior 
thereto, the western strategic frontier of the United States 
lay on the littoral line of the Americas with an exposed 
island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, 
and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an 
outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along 
which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was 
a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent 
upon striking at the bordering land areas. 

All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our stra- 
tegic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific 
Ocean which became a vast moat to protect us as long as 
we did hold it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for 
all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean 
area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of 
islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the 
Marianas held by us and our free allies. From this 
island chain we can dominate with sea and air power 
every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore and 
prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. 

COMMUNIST Across the Atlantic we have no similar 
INTENTION island defense chain; but in view of the 
openly flaunted intention of interna- 
tional Communism to destroy throughout the world the 
concept of freedom and bring peoples everywhere under 
the subjugation and terror of police rule, it has become 
necessary to help the free nations of Western Europe pre- 
pare against the threat of predatory attack by Commu- 
nist forces now occupying Eastern Europe. 

And generally throughout the world our policy has 
been enunciated to extend a helping hand to others whose 
freedom is threatened and who have the will but lack 


the entire resource essential to their own defense. The 
soundness of this concept will depend upon the wisdom 
with which it is administered. Recklessly and abnormally 
applied, it could encompass our own destruction. This 
country obviously lacks the resource militarily to defend 
the world. It has the resource, however, reasonably to 
assist in that defense. But such assistance must be con- 
tributory to, rather than in place of maximum local na- 
tional effort. It should be extended only upon condition: 

That assistance to others be really for defense and 
that it should be so limited as not to deplete our own 
resources to the point of imperiling the survival of 
our own liberties; and that those we would assist be 
animated by the same love of freedom as we, and 
possess the will and determination to pledge their 
own lives and full resource to secure their own 

FALLACIOUS ^ n ^ e str * ct observance of these condi- 

THINKING t * ons rests our kP e tkrt P resent 

to bolster Western Europe may justify 

the additional burden it places upon our own people. 
There are, however, many disturbing signs and reports to 
the contrary. There are many of the leaders and people 
of Western Europe who mistakenly believe that we assist 
them solely to protect ourselves, or to assure an alliance 
with them should our country be attacked. This is indeed 
fallacious thinking. Our potential in human and material 
resource, in alignment with the rest of the Americas, is 
adequate to defend this hemisphere against the threat 
from any power or any association of powers. 

We do desire to retain our traditional friends and 
allies in Europe; but such an alliance must rest upon 
spiritual bonds fabricated from a mutuality of pur- 


pose and a common heritage of principle not an 
alliance to be secured at a price. 

SHARING OF There are other disturbing signs that 
WEALTH some of the peoples we seek to bolster 

are showing a lack of will to muster 
their own full resource in their own defense. There ap- 
pear to be many among them who feel that their defense 
is and should be our sole responsibility and that beyond 
a token military collaboration they should confine their 
own energy and resource to the building of their civilian 
economy some indeed who go so far as to advocate that 
money appropriated by our Congress for their military 
defense should be diverted to civilian purpose. 

The startling thing is that such viewpoints are not 
lacking in support among our own leaders. Appar- 
ently some of them, more in line with Marxian 
philosophy than animated by a desire to preserve 
freedom, would finance the defense of others as a 
means of sharing with them our wealth. 

This wealth, accumulated by our own initiative and in- 
dustry under the incentives of free enterprise, would then 
serve as the means of covering socialist or communist 
deficits abroad. The ultimate effect, whatever the intent, 
would be to reduce our own standard of life to a level of 
universal mediocrity. 

OUR We have committed ourselves to con- 

COMMITMENT tribute six ground divisions to West- 
ern Europe, notwithstanding that 
only a small fraction of the great masses of its peoples 
have been called to the colors. Indeed, if the human 
resource and industrial potential of the Western Euro- 
pean nations were effectively employed for defense, there 
would be a minimum need for American ground forces 


or even great quantities of American munitions. Air and 
naval power, yes, but little honest necessity for ground 
troops unless it be solely for morale purposes. 

Actually if the European nations have the will to de- 
fend themselves, no question of morale would be involved. 
Our efforts to whip up enthusiasm among the Western 
European peoples for the defense of their own liberties 
finds neither precedent nor support in common sense or 

PLEASING TO ^ ne ^^S we must clearly understand 
SOVIET * s ^ at ^ e ver Y course on which we are 

now embarked carries within itself 
grave risks to our own survival. 

The exhaustive effort to build our own military 
power and supplement that of other free nations, 
however justified, is probably more or less in accord 
with Soviet planning. 

For just as we expend our resources to build military 
strength, inversely we progressively reduce ourselves to 
economic weakness, with a consequent growing vulnera- 
bility to the internal stresses and strains manipulated by 
Communists and their agents in our midst. It may indeed 
prove that the preparation for a war which may never 
occur will exhaust us materially as completely as would 
such a war itself. 

Our leaders must throw off the complacent belief 
that the only threat to our survival is from without. 
All freedoms lost since war's end have been the re- 
sult of internal pressures rather than external assault. 

CHANGE IN ^ ur g vernment now differs substantially 

DESIGN from the design of our forefathers as laid 

down in the Constitution. They envisaged 


a federation of sovereign states with only such limited 
power resting in the federal authority as became neces- 
sary to serve the common interests of all. But under the 
stress of national emergencies during the past two dec- 
ades, there has been a persistent and progressive centrali- 
zation of power in the Federal Government with only 
superficial restoration to the States and the people as 
emergencies subsided. 

This drift has resulted in an increasingly dangerous 
paternalistic relationship between Federal Government 
and private citizen, with the mushrooming of agency 
after agency designed to control the individual. Authority 
specifically reserved to the States by constitutional man- 
date has been ignored in the ravenous effort to further 
centralize the political power. 

STATUS OF Within the Federal Govern- 

STATE DEPARTMENT ment itself there has been a 

further and dangerous cen- 

tralization. For example, the Department of State, origi- 
nally established for the sole purpose of the conduct of 
foreign diplomacy, has become in effect a general oper- 
ating agency of government, exercising authority and in- 
fluence over many facets of executive administration 
formerly reserved to the President or the heads of other 
departments. The Department of State indeed is rapidly 
assuming the character of a Prime Ministry, notwith- 
standing that its Secretary is an appointed official, neither 
chosen by nor answerable directly to the people. 

FATAL toward totalitarian rule is re- 

fleeted not only in this shift toward central- 

. ' . . 

ized power, but as well m the violent man- 
ner in which exception is taken to the citizen's voice 


when raised in criticism of those who exercise the politi- 
cal power. There seems to be a determination to suppress 
individual voice and opinion, which can only be re- 
garded as symptomatic of the beginning of a general 
trend toward mass thought control. Abusive language 
and arbitrary action, rather than calm, dispassionate and 
just argument, ill becomes the leadership of a great 
nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to a course of 
morality and justice. These pressures have already caused 
us to depart sharply from the course so long held toward 
national strength and moral greatness. 

Our economic stature built under the incentives of 
free enterprise is imperiled by our drift through the 
back door of confiscatory taxation toward State 

INCENTIVES T ' iere k^ resulted an inevitable suppres- 
sion of the incentive to maximize human 


energy, to encourage creative initiative, 

and to transform capital in one form to produce capital 
more needed in another. Our political stature built upon 
wise and self effacing statesmanship and sound domestic 
policy, has been sadly impaired by a succession of diplo- 
matic blunders abroad and reckless spendthrift aims at 
home. Many peoples have lost faith in our leadership, 
and there is a growing anxiety in the American home as 
disclosures reveal graft and corruption over a broad front 
in our public service. Those charged with its stewardship 
seem either apathetic, indifferent or in seeming con- 

Expenditure upon expenditure, extravagance upon ex- 
travagance have so burdened our people with taxation 
and fed the forces of inflation that our traditionally high 


standard of life has become largely fictitious and illusory. 
Apart from the direct income tax impounded at source, 
every necessity of life gives constant warning of the di- 
minishing value of both national currency and private 

FALSE As always, it is the great masses of the 

SECURITY P e P^ e ' not *k e r i c k or prosperous, but the 

farmer, the laborer, and the average office 

worker who suffer the most. 

Some of these penalties are now obscured by the reckless 
extravagance of government spending which creates a 
false sense of security, but the day of reckoning is in- 
evitable and understanding and fear of this injects a 
tragic apprehension in the American mind. Yet our lead- 
ers offer neither plan nor hope for a return to frugality 
and reason. Our remaining tax potential has been so 
depleted that, if the reckless policies of government con- 
tinue unchecked, the direct confiscation of capital to meet 
the ensuing obligations is almost inevitable. 

BLUEPRINT OF Therein lies the blueprint to a Social- 
SOCIALISM * st State. Therein lies the great issue 

now before our people shall we pre- 
serve our freedom, or yield it to a centralized government 
under the concept of Socialism. There can be no compro- 
mise. It must be all or nothing; the traditional American 
way of life, or a totalitarian concept imported from 
abroad. All other issues are but secondary to this one 
which strikes at the very roots of our personal liberties 
and representative form of government. 

For Socialism, once a reality, destroys that moral 
fiber which is the creation of freedom. It breeds 
every device which produces totalitarian rule. 


It is true that our Constitution established checks and 
balances designed to safeguard against such dangers, but 
such safeguard is ignored by those who seek to entrench 
personal political power through preferential treatment 
for some at the general expense of all. This carnival of 
special privilege cannot fail to undermine our heritage 
of character. It discourages development of those moral 
forces which would preserve inviolate our representative 
form of government, answerable to the free will of the 

DESTRUCTIVE The great bulwark of the Republic, 
PATERNALISM individual and collective self-reli- 
ance, is under constant threat through 
a carefully designed and progressive paternalism which 
renders both community and individual increasingly de- 
pendent upon the support of the Federal Government. 
In all areas of private welfare, the Socialist planners seek 
to inject the Federal hand to produce a progressive weak- 
ening of the structure of individual character. 

The area of possible resistance to this creeping sabo- 
tage of freedom is being constantly narrowed as the Fed- 
eral Government arrogates to itself more and more of the 
remaining tax potential. Should this trend continue, the 
Federal Government may well become for all practical 
purposes the sole taxing power. Thereafter the sover- 
eignty of the States and autonomy of the communities, 
so pointedly recognized by the framers of the Constitu- 
tion and nurtured through many generations of Ameri- 
can life, will have been changed into a subservience to 
Federal direction in direct proportion to their depend- 
ence upon Federal grants for local support. 


THE SAPPING This P rocess is sa PP in S the initiative 
and energies of the people and leaves 

. . , A . 

little incentive for the assumption of 
those risks which are inherent and unescapable in the 
forging of progress under the system of free enterprise. 
Worst of all, it is throwing its tentacles around the low 
income bracket sector of our society from whom is now 
exacted the major share of the cost of government. This 
renders its paper income largely illusory. 

The so-called "forgotten man" of the early thirties 
now is indeed no longer forgotten as the government 
levies upon his income as the main remaining source 
to defray reckless spendthrift policies. 

More and more we work not for ourselves but for the 
State. In time, if permitted to continue, this trend can- 
not fail to be destructive. For no nation may survive in 
freedom once its people become the servants of the State, 
a condition to which we are now pointed with dreadful 

Labor, as always, will be the first to feel its frightful 

It is quite true that some levy upon the people's earn- 
ings to pay the cost of government is unavoidable. But 
the costs of government, even discounting extraordinary 
military requirements, have risen to an accelerated, 
alarming and reckless rate. Nothing is heard from those 
in supreme executive authority concerning the possibility 
of a reduction or even limitation upon these mounting 
costs. No suggestion deals with the restoration of some 
semblance of a healthy balance. No plan is advanced for 
easing the crushing burden already resting upon the peo- 
ple. To the contrary, all that we hear are the plans by 


which such costs progressively may be increased. New 
means are constantly being devised for greater call upon 
the taxable potential. 

ALTRUISM OR ^ e com P oun d irresponsibility by seek- 
IMPRUDENCE * n to s ^ are what liquid wealth we 
have with others. In so doing we reck- 
lessly speak of the billions we would set aside for the 
purpose, as though they were inconsequential. There can 
be no quarrel with altruism. Such has ever been a pre- 
dominant quality making up the nobility of the Ameri- 
can character. 

We should do all in our power to alleviate the suf- 
fering and hardship of other peoples, and to support 
their own maximum effort to preserve their freedom 
from the assaults of Communist imperialism. 

But when this effort is carried beyond the ability to pay, 
or to the point that the attendant burden upon our own 
people becomes insufferable, or places our own way of 
life and freedom in jeopardy, then it ceases to be altru- 
ism and becomes reckless imprudence. 

This nation's material wealth is built upon the vision 
and courage, the sweat and toil, hope and faith of our 
people. There has been no magic involved upon which 
we might again call to replenish our denuded coffers. We 
can either advance upon the security of sound principles 
or we can plunge on to the precipice of disaster toward 
which we are now headed in the dangerous illusion that 
our wealth is inexhaustible and can therefore be limit- 
lessly shared with others. 

It is argued that we must give boundlessly if we are 
to be assured allies in an emergency. I reject this 


reasoning as an unwarranted calumny against well 
tested friends of long standing. 

STRENGTH AND The Sundval f the free WOrld is 
SURVIVAL infinitely more dependent upon the 

maintenance of a strong, vigorous, 
healthy and independent America as a leavening influ- 
ence than upon any financial aid which we might pro- 
vide under our own existing stringencies. 

The free world's one great hope for survival now 
rests upon the maintaining and preserving of our 
own strength. Continue to dissipate it and that one 
hope is dead. 

GLOBAL ^ e Communist threat is a global one. Its 
THREAT successful advance in one sector threatens 
the destruction of every other sector. You 
cannot appease or otherwise surrender to Communism in 
Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to 
halt its advance in Europe. Yet the sad truth is that many 
in high authority show little interest in the Western Pa- 
cific area. And this despite our engagement in Korea in 
one of the most savage wars of American history, our 
long partnership with the Filipino people, our traditional 
ties of friendship with Asia, our alliance with New Japan 
and our Western Pacific defense frontier. 

THE WILL TO ^ e w ^ to ' D 

BE FREE human heart or all the money in the 

world cannot put it there. Thus, de- 
spite the billions we have poured abroad, I doubt that we 
have gained a single Communist convert to the cause 
of human freedom or inspired new or deeper friendships. 
And, as quite obviously the people of Western Europe do 
not generally share with our own leaders the fear of 


Soviet military designs, despite these billions we seem to 
have made little progress in convincing them that they 
themselves should vigorously act to shore up their own 
defenses. We hear no clamor to pledge their own lives, 
their own fortunes and their own sacred honor in defense 
of their own liberties. 

What gullibility to think the free world would fight for 
freedom in Europe after refusing to do so in Asia! As 
for me, I am as interested in saving Western Europe as 
any other threatened area, where the people show the 
will and the determination to mount their own full de- 
fensive power. 


World War III 


. AM NO SEER to predict whether 
or not the Soviet aims at ultimately provoking and en- 
gaging in a global struggle. I give him infinitely more 
credit, however, than to believe he would embark upon 
so reckless and ill-conceived a course. Up to now, there 
is no slightest doubt in my mind but that he has been 
engaging in the greatest bulldozing diplomacy history has 
ever recorded. 

Without committing a single soldier to battle he has 
assumed direct or indirect control over a large part 
of the population of the world. His intrigue has 
found its success, not so much in his own military 
strength nor, indeed, in any overt threat of intent to 
commit it to battle, but in the moral weakness of 
the free world. 

MORAL ** * s a wea ' mess which has caused many 

WEAKNESS ^ ree na ti ns to succumb to and embrace 
the false tenets of Communist propa- 
ganda. It is a weaknessjwhich has caused our own policy 

ica's sons toJbatdS7"lo~ 

leave them to the continuous^^ghtp.r'of In indecisive 
campaign by imposing arbitrary restraints upon the sup- 

*"" 76 


' otherwise provide them through maxi- 
mum employment of our scientific superiority, which 
alone offers hope of early victory. It is a weakness which 
now causes those in authority to strongly hint at a settle- 
ment of the Korean conflict, under conditions short of 
the objectives our soldiers were led to believe were theirs 
to attain and for which so many yielded their lives. 

Of this we may be sure. The Soviet's moves, should it 
actually want war, will be dictated by its own assessment 
of the relativity of military force involved, actual and 

It will not be so much influenced by the destruction 
it believes itself capable of inflicting upon us, as by 
the punishment it knows it itself would have to ac- 
cept should it embark upon so reckless an adventure. 

It will certainly not be influenced away from war by the 
blood tribute we are now paying in Korea to encourage 
it to preserve the peace. 

ELEMENTARY This elementar Y lo ic > coupled with 
LOGIC our own predominant superiority in 

many scientific facets of modern war, 
is ignored by those who seek support for our present un- 
realistic policies by the spread of a psychosis of fear 
throughout the land. They say that by meeting force 
with adequate counter-force in Asia we would expand 
the war and threaten the involvement of Europe, while 
painting a grim picture of . tide consequent devastation of 
our great cities. Nothing could be more unrealistic nor 
further from the truth. Our action would not be aimed 
at expanding but at ending the war and thus preventing 
its expansion. Our purpose would not be conquest but 


neutralizing such of the enemy's offensive power as is 
already hurled against us. 

Europe's very survival is dependent upon our gain- 
ing a decisive victory in Asia where Communism has 
already thrown down the gage of battle. 

MAJOR OPERATIONS The existi * P 01 ^ f 
ESSENTIAL ment 1S ^fended on t ^ ie g roun d 

that if our military reaction be 

conventional and we carry the war to the enemy in a 
manner calculated to destroy his capability of killing our 
sons and those whose protection we have assumed, we 
would incur the wrath of the Soviet and provoke the start 
of a world at war. 

No argument could be more fallacious. The surest 
way to insure World War Three is to allow the 
Korean conflict to continue indecisively and indefi- 
nitely. The surest way, the only way, to prevent 
World War Three is to end the Korean conflict rap- 
idly and decisively. Like a cancer, the only cure is 
by major operation. 

Failure to take such decisive action as in cancer is but 
to invite infection of the entire blood stream. Yet the 
present plan of passive defense envisages the indefinite 
continuance of the indecisive stalemate with its com- 
pounding losses, in the vain hope that the enemy will 
ultimately tire and end his aggression. This, or that at 
some indefinite future date we will adopt the very policies 
of positive action designed to win the war and secure our 
stated objectives, which are now deprecated and decried. 

CALLOUS AND Could anything be more naive, more 

UNREALISTIC unrealistic, more callous of our 

mounting dead? Could there be any 


greater inconsistency than the argument pursued that we 
can defeat Red China in Korea without risk of Soviet 
intervention but our attack upon its sustaining bases 
across the Yalu would render intervention inevitable? 

The defenders of the existing policy are the same 
who, suddenly and without slightest preparation or 
seeming consideration of the military and political 
potentialities, threw us into the conflict. 

These are the very men who, in the face of mounting 
peril, deliberately demobilized us at the peak of our mili- 
tary strength, and then at the lowest point of our dis- 
armament, with no slightest preparation or word of 
warning, plunged us into a war which they now seem 
afraid to win. 

i>T?Acrnvrc t?* I hesitate to refer to my own relief 

JtvUAoUiNo rvjiv 

RECALL m Eastern Commands as 1 

have never questioned the legal au- 
thority underlying such action. But the three sole reasons 
publicly stated by the highest authority clearly demon- 
strate the arbitrary nature of the decision. 

The first reason given was that, contrary to existing 
policy, I warned of the strategic relationship of Formosa 
to American security and the dangers inherent in this 
area's falling under Communist control. Yet this view- 
point has since been declared by the Secretary of State, 
under oath before Congressional Committees, to have 
been and to be the invincible and long standing policy 
of the United States. 

The second reason given was that I communicated my 
readiness to meet the enemy commander at any time to 
discuss acceptable terms of a cease fire arrangement. Yet, 
for this proposal, I was relieved of my command by the 


same authorities who since have received so enthusiasti- 
cally the identical proposal when made by the Soviet 

The third and final reason advanced was my replying 
to a Congressman's request for information on the public 
subject then under open consideration by the Congress. 
Yet both Houses of Congress promptly passed a law con- 
firming my action, which indeed had been entirely in 
accordance with a long existing and well recognized 
though unwritten policy. This law states that no member 
of the Armed Forces shall be restricted or prevented 
from communicating directly or indirectly with any 
member or members of Congress concerning any subject, 
unless such communication is in violation of law or the 
security and safety of the United States. And this formal 
enactment of basic public policy was approved without 
the slightest dissent of the President. 

Is there wonder that men who seek an objective 
understanding of American policy thinking become 
completely frustrated and bewildered? Is there won- 
der that Soviet propaganda so completely dominates 
American foreign policy? 

DIRECT AID '^' ie i ssu e of war or peace is not based 
TO RUSSIA u P on an 5 r su dden and unexpected change 
in the course of world events, or even 
direction of Soviet policy. Long before even the Second 
World War, the Soviet was known to plan suppression 
of the concept of freedom and the advance of Commu- 
nism throughout the world, as rapidly as conditions 
would permit. 

We ourselves moulded these conditions to the So- 
viet's plan by providing extraordinary facility for it 
to so deploy its military forces as to permit direct 


and decisive pressure upon many of the free nations 
of Europe and Asia. 

STAGE FOR ^ e S reatest hazard under which we now 
WAR III labor is the fear that the policy and prop- 

aganda of our present leadership may be 
setting the stage for a third world war. We are following 
the same path the same historical record the same 
political concept and leadership which projected us 
into World War One, World War Two, and the war in 

Since before the close of World War Two, this leader- 
ship has contributed to the building of Soviet military 
strength by extravagant lend-lease aid quite beyond any 
common military need; by acquiescing in Soviet troop 
concentration and dispositions at highly strategic points 
in Europe and Asia; by abandoning our war-time allies 
to the pressure of Soviet conquest; and, at the same time, 
divesting ourselves of our own vastly superior military 
strength, with reckless and precipitate haste. Against this 
background none will quarrel with the need to regain 
adequate security forces, not only that we may be pre- 
pared to meet any external threat, but that our diplo- 
macy may be bulwarked with a power which will com- 
mand universal respect. 

But we cannot be satisfied with a leadership which 
declaims a devotion to peace with constant plati- 
tudinous statements and phrases while taking steps 
which inexorably tend to lead toward war. 

FEAR OF We fear a repetition of such precipi- 

HASTY ACTION tate action as projected us into the 
Korean war with neither the advice 
nor consent of the Congress and in complete disregard of 
the carefully developed war policies and plans of the 


United States. We deprecate a propaganda of fear among 
our people lest military levies and alliances be opposed 
by them. We question the hasty plunging into foreign 
quarrels, instead of holding the country on a high moral 
plane as an impartial and just arbiter of international 
dissensions. We dislike bombastic and provocative state- 
ments which settle nothing and but increase existing 
world tensions. We resent the docile acceptance of abusive 
pressure against us without the application of adequate 
counterpressure available to us. 

PROVING GROUND We cannot reconcile a declared 
FOR WAR purpose to defeat Communism 

while aligning our country with 
and supplying resources including arms to a Communist 
nation abroad and, at the same time, showing extraordi- 
nary reluctance to do the same for nations long recog- 
nized as uncompromising in their opposition to Com- 
munism. We condemn efforts to avoid possible public 
criticism by cloaking administrative functions behind a 
screen of secrecy under the doubtful pretext that the na- 
tional security is directly involved. 

We view with dismay the military advantage ac- 
corded the Soviet by permitting it long and pro- 
tracted use of the Korean battle area as a training 
and proving ground for weapons and men with the 
protection of sanctuary beyond the Yalu. 

We deplore the indefinite continuation of the Korean 
war when, ever since the entry of Communist China a 
year ago, we have had the means of bringing it to a 
prompt and victorious end and thus to save countless 
American lives and avoid the risk of its spreading into a 
global conflict inherent in its long continuance. And, in 


general, the pattern toward war is clearly defined. By 
confining their concern so assiduously to one area and 
ignoring the global nature of the Communist threat and 
the need to stop its predatory advance in other areas, they 
have become the "isolationists" of the present time. 

And it is a form of isolation which offers nothing but 
ultimate destruction. Our first line of defense for 
Western Europe is not the Elbe, it is not the Rhine 
it is the Yalu. Lose there and you render useless the 
effort to implement the North Atlantic Pact or any 
other plan for regional defense. 

TVTTTW T>OT mv The immediate problem calls for a dy- 

JM&VV rUJLJLLiY . . A ' 

NEEDED namic political and military policy de- 

signed to secure the future and regain 
the lost faith of others in order that our moral influence 
may reassert itself to guide the world toward reason and 
right. We must rebuild the military power, wantonly dis- 
sipated despite warning and the clear portents of the situ- 
ation in 1946, calmly and wisely and with sole regard to 
military requirements not political expediency. We 
must not again permit our leaders to gamble with the 
national security to serve political ends. 

We must rebuild our power not so much as a measure 
of defense against any imminently threatened attack, but 
as a means to regain the faith of those peoples of the 
world traditional friends of our country who now lan- 
guish in the chains of Communist slavery or whose wills 
are controlled by Communist threat, treachery, coercion 
and brutality and to whom only the relativity of force 
longer has practical meaning. 

Recently it was my valued privilege to address the 
American Legion assembled in annual national conven- 
tion. To this gathering, in part, I said: 


TJTPAPIU WT? " The American Legion, composed of 

Jvc4/iJxjyjL wji 

T^TTOT men who know and detest war for the 

MUSI . . . ... r . 

scourge that it is, is peculiarly well fitted 

to stand guard over our heritage of American liberty. It 
must exercise unrelaxed vigilance. It must ensure that 
neither political expediency nor foreign infatuation in- 
fluences the expenditure of the vast sums now under con- 
templation for freedom's defense. It must exercise its 
great influence to the end that: 

we rearm as rearm we must in an atmosphere of 
confidence in our inherent strength, not under the 
hysteria of an artificially created fear; 

that it is our implacable purpose to retain undisputed 
control of the seas, to secure undisputed control of the 
air, to vigorously implement our atomic program with 
a full commitment to the use as needed of the atomic 
weapon, and while maintaining a well-balanced and 
highly developed ground force, to charge to our allies 
the main responsibility for ground operations in defense 
of their own spheres of territorial interest; to curb the 
growing tendency of political and military leaders to pub- 
licize for political advantage classified data concerning 
scientific developments incident to our military effort, 
and thus to yield the all important element of surprise; 

to do all reasonably within our power to help pre- 
serve freedom for those who have the will and de- 
termination to do all in their power to defend their 
own freedom; 

to avoid being drawn into unreasonable and unnecessary 
expenditures for armament to create an artificial domes- 
tic prosperity for political ends; to avoid contributing the 
fruits of our system of free enterprise to support Socialism 


or Communism abroad under the spurious pretense that 
it serves our own military security; to avoid aligning our- 
selves with colonial policies in Asia and the Middle East, 
lest we invite the enmity of the traditionally friendly 
peoples of those vast areas of the world; to give primary 
concern to our own security and the well being of our 
own people; 

to avoid distributing our wealth for the purpose of 
buying the loyalty of others, or of sharing with others 
the wealth and security which we hold in sacred 
trust for our progeny; 

to apply all possible pressure, short of war, upon the 
Soviet or any associated power which by abuse and pres- 
sure upon us forces the expenditure of such vast outlays 
of our energy and resources as a measure of self-preserva- 
tion; to avoid a protracted and indecisive war in Korea 
with its endless slaughter the Chief of Staff of the Army 
recently testified before a Congressional Committee that 
it might last for ten years; to regain military faith in our- 
selves and the policies upon which our victories in past 
have always rested; to do all reasonably within our 
power to assist the Filipino and Japanese people to ad- 
vance and fortify their liberties and the Chinese people 
to regain theirs; and, above all else, 

to preserve inviolate those great principles and ideals 
of moral authority upon which is based the Ameri- 
can way of life and the nobility of the cause for 
which our soldiers fight." 

r\ cTTucvrrfm? And in the formulation of such poli- 

JNCJ oUlJolllU JLJcj ... j 

FOR VICTORY cies? At 1S w we unc krstand 

that battles are not won by arms 

alone. There must exist above all else a spiritual impulse 


a will to victory. This can only be if the soldier feels 
his sacrifice is to preserve the highest moral values. And 
we should understand that once war is forced upon us, 
there is no other alternative than to apply every available 
means to bring it to a swift end. 

War's very objective is victory not prolonged indeci- 
sion. In war, indeed, there can be no substitute for 


Decision of the People 


COMPLEXITY brought about 
by dislocations in the wake of two world wars has caught 
our beloved country in the vortex of a confused, distressed 
and frightened world. 

At war's end the main agency for maintaining the 
peace became the United Nations. This organization was 
conceived in a common desire that the scourge of war 
should not again be visited upon the earth. It was dedi- 
cated to the principle that all mankind of unalienable 
right should live in justice and liberty and peace. 

It represents perhaps the noblest effort man has yet 
made to evolve a universal code based upon the 
highest of moral precepts. It became the keystone 
to an arch of universal hope. 

Yet in practice its efforts became increasingly doubtful 
of ultimate success. Its organization is inherently weak, 
legislatively, judicially and executively. It lacks legisla- 
tive strength because its members, not being elected but 
merely appointed, are not answerable directly to the peo- 
ple. It lacks judicial strength because there is no accepted 
international code of sufficient moral authority or pur- 
pose to mould and guide its decisions. It lacks executive 



strength because it controls no agencies of sufficient 
power to enforce its mandates. 

r<ATT TTT>T? It threatens to fail if the innate selfish- 

rAlLUKJb . - 

ness f lts members does not yield to um- 

. . 

versal needs; if the mechanics of its 
operations are not corrected to prevent the will of one 
nation from counterbalancing the collective will of the 
others; if it does not obtain acceptance by member na- 
tions of its lawful decisions ; if it does not stop obstruction- 
ist tactics, even by expulsion if necessary, of its own unruly 
members; if regional military alliances must be organized 
within its membership to undertake collective security 
measures against threat from other members; if it allows 
itself to be reduced to a mere forum for meaningless and 
acrimonious debate, and a springboard for propaganda. 

Unless a strong and dynamic sense of responsibility 
emerges within its ranks capable of rallying the forces of 
good throughout the world; of establishing a higher 
moral tone to its deliberations and activities; of correct- 
ing its existing institutional and mechanical weaknesses, 
the United Nations may well go the way of its predecessor 
League and perish as a force to guide civilization. 

THE VITAL ^ ut t ^ le reat mora l an< ^ spiritual purpose 
TASK which animated its formation the aboli- 

tion of war from the face of the earth 
will always live and a way must be found to achieve that 

This way cannot be found, however, if nations are so 
blind as not to see their own weaknesses so weak 
as not to correct them. 

We must lead the world down this road, however long 


and tortuous and illusory it may now appear. Such is the 
role as I see it for which this great nation of ours is now 
cast. In this we follow the Gross. If we meet the challenge 
we cannot fail On this problem of greatest universal con- 
cern, unless we address ourselves to the fundamentals we 
shall get no farther than the preceding generations which 
have tried and failed. Convention after convention has 
been entered into designed to humanize war and bring it 
under the control of rules dictated by the highest human 
ideals. Yet each war becomes increasingly savage as the 
means for mass killing are further developed. 

TYAT* You cannot control war ; you can 

UNCONTROLLABLE ^ abolish iL Those wh shru 

this off as idealistic are the real 

enemies of peace the real war mongers. Those who lack 
the enterprise, vision and courage to try a new approach 
when none others have succeeded fail completely the 
most simple test of leadership. 

Let us regain some of the courage and faith of the 
architects who charted the course to our past greatness. 
Let us look up as befits the most powerful nation on earth, 
both spiritually and physically. 

Let us tell all that while firmly and invincibly dedi- 
cated to the course of peace, we will not shrink from 
defending ourselves if the alternative is slavery or 
some other form of moral degradation. 

Let us proudly reassume our traditional role of readiness 
to meet and vanquish the forces of evil at any time and 
any place they are hurled against us. Let us make clear 
our eagerness to abolish the scourge of war from the face 
of the earth just as soon as others are willing to rise to so 


noble a stature with us. Let us renew our reverence for 
the blood of our sons and strike with all the power we can 
mount to support and protect those who now fight our 
battles in distant lands. And above all else let us regain 
our faith in ourselves and rededicate all that is within us 
to the repair and preservation of our own free institutions 
and the advance of our own free destiny. 

PEOPLE ^ s * ^ ave trave kd through the country 

AWAKENING s * nce m ^ return ' " ^^ a S reat transfor- 
mation in American thought to be tak- 
ing place. Our apathy is disappearing, American public 
opinion is beginning to exert its immense power. The 
American people are expressing themselves with dynamic 
force on foreign policy. 

This is exerting a profound influence upon the Soviet 
course of action. 

Few events in the life of our Republic have been of 
more significant importance nor more heartening than 
this rallying of the collective will of the American people. 
They are putting pressure upon their own leaders and 
upon the leaders of those with whom we are directly or 
indirectly engaged. And just as it has cast its influence 
upon policy and events abroad, it can be brought to bear 
with no less telling effect upon policy and events at home. 
Therein lies our best hope in the battle to save America 
the full weight of an aroused, informed and militant pub- 
lic opinion. To my fellow Americans I have said: 

IN BOSTON "^ ^ s sec ti n f t ' ie country men point 

as the cradle of our freedom. For here 

was established more than three centuries ago a declara- 


tion of rights from which ultimately came the constitu- 
tional mandate guaranteeing our civil liberties. Here men 
arose militantly in protest against the tyranny of oppres- 
sive rule of burdensome taxation. Here men engaged in 
formal combat to sever the distasteful bonds of colonial 
rule. Here men etched the patriot's pattern which all 
races who harbored in their hearts a love for freedom 
have since sought to emulate. Here men, by their courage, 
vision and faith, forged a new concept of civilization.' 5 

TXT CTTATTTTT "I have just crossed the continent in 

JL1N or,/\JL LLiLj 

hours, where it took those who first pio- 
neered the way as many long, tortuous and perilous 
months. Seattle proudly and majestically stands today at 
one hundred years of age full beneficiary of what the pio- 
neering spirit has wrought upon this continent. It marks 
the fruition of the dream to bring the fruits of civilization 
to a vast and then uncharted wilderness. It has become a 
heritage which all Americans may share with pride and 
hope. The inspiration to. be drawn from its one hundred 
years of the past builds faith in the next hundred years of 
the future. 

"Many pessimistic voices are being raised today 
throughout the land. But the times are full of hope if the 
vision and courage and faith of the early pioneer con- 
tinue to animate the American people in the discharge 
of their sovereign responsibilities. 

The people have it in their hands to restore morality, 
wisdom and vision to the direction of our foreign and 
domestic affairs and regain the religious base which 
in times past assured general integrity in public and 
private life. 

"Despite failures in leadership, they have it in their 


power to rise to that stature which befits their lofty herit- 
age of spiritual and material strength; 

to reject the Socialist policies covertly and by devious 
means being forced upon us; to stamp out Commu- 
nist influence which has played so ill-famed a part in 
the past misdirection of our public administration; 

to reorganize our government under a leadership invin- 
cibly obedient to our Constitutional mandates; to re- 
enforce existing safeguards to our economy of free enter- 
prise; to reassert full protection for freedom of speech 
and expression and those other freedoms now threatened; 
to regain State and community autonomy; to renounce 
undue alien interference in the shaping of American pub- 
lic policy; and to re-establish our governmental process 
upon a foundation of faith in our American institutions, 
American traditions and the time-tested adequacy of 
American vision." 

IN CLEVELAND "^ sect ^ on ^ our country symbolizes 
more forcefully the pattern of our 
National progress than does this great Midwest whose 
fertile fields and thriving industry combine to reflect the 
constructive energy of our people. You have moulded a 
standard and pattern of life known to no other nation of 
the world, and* I pray that we will have the vision and 
courage and statesmanship to keep it that way that we 
will preserve an America which will provide increasing, 
not diminishing, opportunities for human advancement." 

IN TEXAS "Texas is a shining example of the power 

generated under conditions of human lib- 

erty. For in Texas men, given freedom of opportunity, 

have harnessed many of nature's vast stores and turned 


the resulting energy and material resource into the build- 
ing of a mighty nation dedicated to the advance of per- 
sonal liberty and individual dignity. Nowhere are men 
found more devoted to the concepts of freedom and the 
preservation of the American system based upon truth 
and justice. None have contributed more to the advance 
of the traditional American ideal. None give more hope 
that an America conceived in liberty will survive in lib- 

"Yet, if this is to be so, every American must firmly 
share the responsibility attendant upon citizenship in a 
republic. All must rally to the demand that administra- 
tion of the civil power be on a level of morality which will 
command the public confidence and faith; that truth re- 
place false and slanted propaganda in public informa- 
tion; that cynicism give way to confidence that our course 
of right will prevail; that fear and timidity be repudiated 
as having no place in shaping our destiny; and that na- 
tional policy be determined with primary regard to the 
ultimate well-being of our own people. 

"I have found here a vast reservoir of spiritual and 
material strength which fills me with a sense of confidence 
in the future of our nation. It confirms my faith that with 
such resources none can excel us in peaceful progress nor 
safely challenge us to the tragedy of war. These facts 
should be thoroughly understood by every American citi- 
zen to offset efforts which are being made through propa- 
ganda to sow the seeds of fear and timidity in the Ameri- 
can mind to portray our nation as weak and our 
potential enemies as strong. There could be no greater 
disservice to our beloved country than is reflected in such 
a fantastic effort to lower our own self-assurance and en- 
hance that of those unfriendly to us." 


^ l Stand before *" rCCaU the 


South's mighty contribution to our 

beloved country, my heart is filled with pride that I, too, 
by right of birth may claim its great and noble traditions 
as my traditions, its lofty heritage of honor as my heritage. 
For when the past decade is adjudged by the historian of 
the future, he will surely record that in the forefront of 
the fight to preserve constitutional liberty to our country 
was the moral courage, the indomitable will and the 
broad vision of most of the statesmen of the South. It is 
they who stood guard in our hour of gravest peril. It is 
they who, departing from the tradition of politics, rose to 
magnificent heights of patriotism to challenge those forces 
which sought to impose upon the States the autocracy of 
centralized government." 

ISSUES CLEARLY ^ e * ssues w ^ich today confront the 
DEFINED nation are clearly defined and so 

fundamental as to directly involve 
the very survival of the Republic. 

Are we going to preserve the religious base to our ori- 
gin, our growth and our progress or yield to the devious 
assaults of atheistic or other anti-religious forces? 

Are we going to maintain our present course toward 
State Socialism with Communism just beyond or reverse 
the present trend and regain our hold upon our heritage 
of liberty and freedom? 

Are we going to squander our limited resources to the 
point of our own inevitable exhaustion or adopt com- 
monsense policies of frugality which will insure financial 
stability in our time and a worth-while heritage in that of 
our progeny? 

Are we going to continue to yield personal liberties and 


community autonomy to the steady and inexplorable cen- 
tralization of all political power or restore the Republic 
to constitutional direction, regain our personal liberties 
and reassume the individual State's primary responsi- 
bility and authority in the conduct of local affairs? 

Are we going to permit a continuing decline in public 
and private morality or re-establish high ethical stand- 
ards as the means of regaining a diminishing faith in the 
integrity of our public and private institutions? 

Are we going to continue to permit the pressure of alien 
doctrines to strongly influence the orientation of foreign 
and domestic policy or regain trust in our own traditions, 
experience and free institutions and the wisdom of our 
own people? 

In short, is American life of the future to be charac- 
terized by freedom or by servitude, strength or weakness. 
The answer must be clear and unequivocal if we are to 
avoid the pitfalls toward which we are now heading with 
such certainty. In many respects it is not to be found in 
any dogma of political philosophy but in those immutable 
precepts which underly the Ten Commandments. 

CROSSROAD ^ e stanc * today at a critical moment of 
OF HISTORY hi stor y at a v i ta l crossroad. In one di- 
rection is the path of courageous patriots 
seeking in humility but the opportunity to serve their 
country; the other that of those selfishly seeking to en- 
trench autocratic power. The one group stands for im- 
placable resistance against Communism; the other for 
compromising with Communism. The one stands for our 
traditional system of government and freedom ; the other 
for a Socialist State and slavery. The one boldly speaks 
the truth; the other spreads propaganda, fear and decep- 


tion. The one denounces excessive taxation, bureaucratic 
government and corruption; the other seeks more taxes, 
more bureaucratic power, and shields corruption. 

The people, as the ultimate rulers, must choose the 
course our nation shall follow. On their decision rests 
the future of our free civilization and the survival of 
our Christian faith. 

Not for a moment do I doubt the decision or that it will 
guide the nation to a new and fuller greatness. 

IN THE FACES Since my return, I have been encour- 

OF THE PEOPLE a e< * tO ^ e ^ eve t ' iat our c iti zens w ^ 
not complacently tolerate further in- 
cursions against their cherished liberties, and will move 
to correct this drift away from truly representative gov- 
ernment. I have found this encouragement in the rare 
opportunity to search the faces of millions of my fellow 
countrymen. Therein I have been given understanding of 
the meaning of Abraham Lincoln when he said: 

". . . to the salvation of the Union there needs but 
one single thing the hearts of a people like yours. 
When the people rise in a mass, in ^ behalf of the 
liberties of the country, truly it may be said that 
nothing can prevail against them. . . ." 

I have seen in the faces of the American people that to 
which Mr. Lincoln prophetically referred. I have clearly 
seen that the soul of liberty is still living and vibrant in 
the American heart. It is neither Democratic nor Repub- 
lican but American. It will assert itself by Constitutional 
process and with invincible force in the battle to save the 

The people will still rule. 



INS News Photo 

The MacArthurs in their native land America. 


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On April 12, 1951, General Douglas MacArthur, for the last time, visited his 
office in the Dai Ichi Building, Tokyo, which he had occupied for five years. 
General MacArthur's office, desk, and the chair left vacant as he departed. 


INS News Photo 

Japanese in the multitude that lined the route to the Tokyo airport, silent and 
saddened, as General MacArthur boarded his plane for return to the United States. 

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Millions of people, silent and prayerful, gathered before tens of thousands of radios 
and televisions to listen to and witness the dramatic presentation of General 
MacArthur's message of dauntless courage and of faith. (Upper) Crowds jam-packed 
before television in smoking room of the Grain Exchange, Chicago. (Lower] Rapt 

Chicago Tribune Phot( 

Other men in other towns before other windows stopped to watch and wonder and 
crowds of women regained faith and hope while listening to General MacArthur's 
restatement of age-old truths. 

From Washington, across the nation, to the most remote towns and hamlets, Americans 
listened with bated breath and with misty eyes to General MacArthur saying, "I have 
just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tesfc there and I can report 
to you they are splendid in every way. It was my constam effort to preserve them 
and end this savage conflict honorably aiid with the least toss of time and a minimum 
sacrifice of life." Not since Gettysburg had a man spoken with such feeling and 
such authority. 

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A gathering of hundreds of thousands in City Hall Plaza. Amid the acclaim of a 
multitude, the mayor tff New York presented General MacArthur with a special 
gold medal in recognition of the "city's esteem and affection" and for his uncom- 
promising and dauntless "defense of human liberties." 

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On April 27, General MacArthur officiated at the dedication of 'MacArthur Square 
in downtown Milwaukee. More than one million eager, cheering people were on 
hand. Hundreds of thousands with rapt attention heard him say: "It stands as 
solemn warning to those who would destroy freedom, either externally or internally. 
America will not now nor in the future yield that for which so many have died . . . 
It will serve to rally all Americans to the task of maintaining the moral strength 
which has built our past." 







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(Upper) In Houston, Texas, enthusiasm was unrestrained as General MacArthur's 



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with these words: "To this section of the country men point as the cradle of our 
freedom , . . Here men, by their courage, vision and faith, forged a new concept of 
modern civilization ... I shall dedicate all of my energies to restoring to American 
life those immutable principles handed down to us in sacred trust," 

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